Everyone everywhere is mad for Subodh Gupta.
At the Venice Biennale, at Art Basel, at Frieze Art Fair, at Chanel Mobile Art, in Shanghai, Zurich, Paris and New Delhi, the name most readily dropped and sought out is Subodh Gupta (or “Goopta” to those who don’t know or can’t pronounce the shortened “u”). Suddenly, like the limited edition bag that the artist designed for Italian fashion house Fendi, Gupta, a small-town boy from Khagaul, Bihar, has a waiting list.
“Everyone knows who he is in the European art scene,” says Peter Nagy of Nature Morte, New Delhi, which along with Bodhi Art in Mumbai are the two galleries in India that officially represent him.
Nagy is right; everyone does know who he is. Were it possible to quantify the craze, Gupta would be in rarefied company, somewhere next to Anish Kapoor, a few steps behind perhaps but close enough to warrant a cautionary backward glance or two. Sure, M.F. Husain and Tyeb Mehta, Jitish Kallat and Atul Dodiya have stepped across the invisible barrier—breaking records at auctions and popping up at the errant biennale. But none of them has achieved quite so much in so short a time as Gupta.
Gupta’s hotness is a fact not lost on his manager, Flora Boillot, who moved from France to New Delhi two years ago to oversee the affairs of Gupta and his artist wife Bharti Kher. It is Boillot who handles all media requests, coordinates out-of-town gallery visits, makes sure Gupta is on time for his various appointments and that his shipments to shows in San Gimignano and Shanghai are on time and intact.
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Up, up and away: A look at how Gupta’s auction prices have escalated (Graphic)
And it is Boillot who fields my request for an interview sent via SMS to Gupta’s iPhone in February. “Subodh is busy, Subodh is travelling and Subodh is not available until July,” Boillot tells me. In July, a reminder email gets another Boillot reply, this time granting the interview but with an addendum—“the interview cannot exceed 30 minutes”. She also stipulates that I hand in a release form that essentially confirms I will not use the images or information in an untoward manner (like, say, in setting up a Where in the World is Subodh blog).
Release forms and French managers are not generally the purview of artists, especially artists in India, so by the time I arrive at Gupta’s studio, in the dusty construction pit that is Gurgaon, I had built in my mind the myth of Subodh Gupta— the Damien Hirst of Delhi—who from 2005 to 2008 saw his auction prices increase 52 times.
How a boy from Bihar, with zero interest in doing what most of his village did (i.e. work for the railways), managed to become India’s No. 1 Artist is nothing short of wondrous: a fairy tale with a requisite cast of greedy gallerists, ambitious curators, a savvy wife and one bespectacled man from small-town India.
He is in every sense a product of the new Indian market, where marketing and image-building, and self-promotion are not only expected but encouraged and praised. Having worked exceedingly carefully to control output and place his works in the most high-profile collections and shows, Gupta, in that sense and perhaps that sense alone, has warranted the comparison with Hirst, a master showman in his own right.
If Gupta, 44, knows he is a much traded commodity, identifiable by last name alone despite the two or three other Guptas peppering the Indian art scene, he isn’t showing it. Mild mannered, and even a little homely, he lacks the polished smugness of a man who has just been signed to the art world juggernaut, Hauser & Wirth, a Zurich-based gallery at par with Gagosian and Saatchi, which incidentally will also feature him in a group exhibit next year.
Told that he is a difficult man to meet, Gupta demurs. “It’s not like that,” he apologizes, before sitting down on a sagging couch in a plain-walled studio cluttered with unfinished canvases and a cabinet full of Gupta’s coffee-table catalogues.
He is happy to chat beyond our allotted time (keeping representatives from a London gallery waiting), talking about his childhood, his friends, his children, his art, especially his art. But he refuses to discuss his relationship with Kher. “Why you want to go into my private life?” he asks irritably.
Those who see the two together acknowledge that Kher, born and raised in England, has been a key influence in Gupta’s life, sandpapering the rough edges, cleverly directing where they would show, and like Gupta, realizing with steely ambition that they are destined for bigger things.
“Both him and Bharti have been very savvy. ” Nagy says. “There was a period when not much was happening, and Subodh and Bharti were very generous of their time. They had lots of people over for dinners to foster a sense of community.”
“Nothing comes easy,” Gupta shrugs. “And it will never happen, it never happened with anyone unless you keep doing it and doing it.”
“Doing it” is Gupta’s way of saying he slogged, back-breakingly, until he got what he wanted. That is, in fact, the one quality that everyone remarks on: His unflinching resolve to work; to put paint to canvas and steel to wall; to meet and travel even when nobody wanted his works, when sitting in a solo booth at the Armory show in New York, dealer Pierre Huber had to beg clients to buy a Gupta.
On one of his very first visits outside India, Gupta was manic about experiencing everything he could. He was fascinated by the art, the museums, the magnetic pull of a hundred creative minds working in a thousand different ways. “I’ve been with him in Europe, and he’s running around looking at contemporary art museums, participating in an international language in form and material,” says Nagy, who first encountered Gupta as the winner of an emerging artist award sponsored by New York’s Bose Pacia Gallery in the late 1990s. “Nobody’s working harder in India than Subodh Gupta.”
Now a father of two children—a son and daughter—Gupta has slowed down. Still, in recent months, he has made several jaunts across the globe: to Hong Kong for the Chanel Mobile Art show, Switzerland for Art Basel, Italy for a solo in San Gimignano and England to support Kher’s exhibition. “Art is a long journey. So I’ve been working for 8-10 years almost for European galleries and at that time nobody in India knew about it,” he says.
While still in college, Gupta took it upon himself to orchestrate a meeting with Russi Mody, then the Tata Steel chairman, who was known to foster young talent. “What I’m trying to tell you, it’s not easy for one boy from art school to go meet Russi Mody like this, no? So it took me one year almost to meet him like this. Three months I was just preparing myself, who is this guy, how will I meet him?”
On the strength of his works and Mody’s patronage, Gupta approached various galleries, eventually scraping together enough money to move to Delhi. He arrived with 15 friends from Bihar and stayed at a guest house at the Lalit Kala Akademi. Like most migrants from small town India to the Capital, Gupta was enamoured of everything and everyone he came across. As a student in Bihar, he had belonged to an acting troupe and was thrilled to discover that in Delhi, unfettered by cultural boundaries, he could mingle with artists, actors and dancers.
“In 1986, the Kala Mela used to happen. Kala Mela for us was like oh god Basel Art fair. Like Venice Biennale,” Gupta recalls excitedly. “Oh my God, we see the Husain today, we see the Ram Kumar, we see Souza and we see Swaminathan. We go mad, these are the fathers and masters of contemporary art in front of you. So we used to go crazy and we used to go ‘Sir, please autograph’.”
How Gupta made the leap from Delhi to Paris, London, New York and Shanghai in the span of a few short years is a little incredible, even by the standards of the frenetic hypermarket of the new art world. “We’re not used to in Europe an artist going from nothing to what happened with Subodh,” says Huber, the influential Geneva art dealer, who was the first international gallerist to sign him on. “To make a work from $12,000 (around Rs5 lakh) to $1million, it’s very strange. This never happened, in my mind.”
It was Huber, in fact, who first propelled Gupta to prominence, if such a feat can be attributed to any single person. Huber is a powerful dealer in Switzerland, whose gallery, Art & Public, has amassed over the years a weighty roster, including Sol LeWitt and Robert Barry. In the late 1990s, Huber spotted Gupta’s works at a group show in Italy and spied in them something different—something he had seen in American and Chinese artists much before either contingent became appealing to European collectors. He invited Gupta to display one of his installations at the Armory show in New York in 2002, and paid for his air ticket and expenses. “Nobody was impressed, nobody was looking at the work,” Huber says, so he called a friend of his and asked him to buy his work for the now paltry sum of $12,000 (which was around Rs5.76 lakh back then).
Huber strategically placed Gupta in a series of art fairs and biennales, careful to show his installations and only a few oils. At Frieze in 2005, Gupta displayed his steel cabinet installation, which evoked minor excitement and managed to push its creator from the periphery on to the radar.
At Art Basel in 2006, Gupta showed yet again, after initially being rejected by the selection committee. This time, the work was an installation of airport trolleys, his first exploration of immigrant traffic and labour. The response was instant. “Everyone was talking about it,” Huber says.
Soon Gupta, through Huber, was on contract with Jack Shainman Gallery in New York, and began experimenting with the kind of large-scale installations that would eventually culminate in Very Hungry God—a clattering, shiny, menacing skull, compiled in precarious manner with buckets, tiffin boxes and other steel objects—displayed outside Palazzo Grassi in Venice in 2006, and bought by French billionaire Francois Pinault.
That proved to be the key. In the last couple of years, Gupta has been in the news repeatedly: first for breaking the $500,000 mark at Christie’s and Sotheby’s, then crossing the $1 million mark. Then, he was placed in the elite post-war contemporary auctions along with Hirst and Kapoor, and collected by Louis Vuitton Moet Hennessey (LVMH) honcho Bernard Arnault, British billionaire Frank Cohen, Indian collector Anupam Poddar and other powerful connoisseurs. The final cherry came by way of a ranking as one of three Indians on ArtReview’s list of the 100 most powerful people in the art world. He was invited to tony charity events such as Bono’s (RED) auction, and feted on the international circuit by American socialites and European collectors, all of whom couldn’t get enough of “Goopta”.
Still, Gupta was restless, forever on the Sisyphean task of trying to outdo what he had done before. “Whatever I was making at that time, I feel like I was serving someone. And what I’m making right now, I feel like I’m doing something my own. That changed and that doesn’t come that easy,” Gupta notes of his transition from painting to installation. “Like I said, visual art takes time. It took me four years to reach somewhere to change, and in between I made so much not good art. When you lose something and become empty, something new comes out.”
The new was what most people today associate with Gupta. Large, photo-realist oils of rope-bundled luggage on taxis, of faceless bodies pushing airport trolleys, hard, sharp installations that use mundane objects in arresting display, videos featuring a naked Gupta showering himself with cowdung.
“Subodh belongs to this very small community of artists who are very free and pushed, led by a kind of vision of what’s art,” says curator Fabrice Bousteau, who invited Gupta to show at the Chanel Mobile Art earlier this year, and will again work with him in 2010 for a group show.
For Gupta, this vision came from his childhood, from his days spent in a vast joint family, playing with cousins, watching his housewife mother craft small objects and clothes, and attending theatre shows put up by the local Bengali community. Plundering the vast array of objects at his disposal, he began appropriating childhood knick-knacks in ingenious fashion. One of his very first installations, 29 Mornings, was a composite of 29 wooden stools, or patlas, which Gupta remembers sitting on to eat his breakfast, lunch and dinner.
“Seventy per cent of the population is poor people, or lower middle class or upper middle class. We still use, even in my home, utensils day-to-day for our food. So it’s such a common material. And that is India, 80% of country, no?” he says. “So, in that kind of atmosphere, when you are growing up you are going past many kinds of activities, ritual ceremonies and somehow even if you don’t practise right now, subconsciously you can’t forget what’s happened. And today, I’m lucky that those things helped me to create my artwork. So this is very important for me, and that’s how things happen.”
Unlike so many of his peers, Gupta was astute in packaging his “Indianness”—he managed to draw in local collectors with opaque references to a changing India, but beguiled Western tastes with his flawless execution, and bundled-up exoticism.
“Firstly, they are beautiful, and secondly, because they glorify and beautify quotidian Indian culture, I find that the work responds to a particular fusion of ideas that appeals to me,” says Cohen, who featured Gupta’s work in his Passage to India show at his gallery in Wolverhampton, England earlier this year.
That mishmash of seemingly disparate worlds was essentially Gupta, still inherently a boy from Bihar but with some of the savvy of a jet-setting artist who could take hot pink chimtas (tongs) and hang them in pompom-like configuration. Those who have known him for years say that Gupta is still the same, ambitious undoubtedly as he’s always been, and with more polish, but with the same quiet courtesies of a small-town boy.
Indeed, at the start of their respective careers, Gupta and Kher were generous with their time and money (of which they had little), hosting dinners, inviting artists, and curators, helping to foster a sense of community when Indian contemporary art was derided as a quaint by-product of post-colonial angst. Even as they grew in stature, Gupta hung on to his roots, helping organize an exhibition for young Bihari artists in 2007, and keeping in touch with galleries he later outgrew. “He has moved on in life,” says Renu Modi, owner of Gallery Espace that was among the first to give him a solo show in 1992. “But he has never stepped on to other people’s shoulders to step up.”
Through the course of our interview, Gupta is meticulous about giving due, crediting a list of people, including art collector O.P. Jain, Modi, his cohort of Bihari colleagues, whom he declines to name, his parents, who let him shift to Delhi though they were disappointed in his career choice, and a scattering of other people who helped him along the way.
He still speaks in accented English, unapologetic when he trips up on French names, and only sheepish when asked about his participation in Chanel Mobile Art—a travelling show sponsored by the fashion house that invited an eclectic group of artists to interpret the Chanel bag—and designing a bag for Fendi, which he says he did because the money would go to charity. “What kind of serious art I will produce for that?” he says of the Chanel project. The curator Bousteau was a friend, so Gupta agreed, but on his own terms, cheerfully subverting the idea of a posh bag into a video of people carrying thailas and gatharis. “This is Chanel bag for me, no?”
This is Gupta’s flair, to take the homely and make it beautiful—an obvious aim for any artist but, in an age of cow dung-strewn paintings and dead animals, not necessarily a qualifier for a work of art. Under Gupta’s direction, even the most humble objects, the bartan (utensils), the pot, the tiffin box become shinier, prettier, better. Immortalized in oil, they shine with a brilliance that lifts them from their lowly position on the still life scale.
With a clutch of high-profile collectors and a trail of gallerists eager to sign him up, Gupta has had to grapple with the surreal mathematics of pricing. From 2005 to 2008, his prices at auction for an oil painting increased from $23,126 to $1.4million—a 5,000% increase.
Gupta’s primary market prices hover between $350,000 and $1 million for the larger installations. And though even Huber concedes that Gupta’s prices have jumped by exorbitant proportions in the last few years, he asserts that the pricing is in keeping with the artist’s stature. “He’s the No. 1 contemporary artist in India. Why does he have to be cheaper than the No. 1 contemporary artist in China or the US?”
Still, there have been allegations of price manipulation, a practice in which a gallery will put up a work for auction and then buy it back at a high price, thereby justifying a precedent for exorbitant prices not always in keeping with quality. In a Mint article on the Indian art market (Picture is looking less perfect for Indian art), art critics and experts named Gupta and Kher’s works in connection with inflated pricing. However, auction houses and galleries denied having any hand in the practice.
Gupta is unruffled because in spite of or despite him, prices will continue to increase, as they have for Indian contemporary artists across the board. His solo at Hauser & Wirth next year will further brighten his spectre, and it is not farfetched to think that in a few years Gupta, if prudent, will find himself in prominent museum collections.
“This is my job,” he says. “What is an artist’s job? My job is to think about art. And I do that all the time, thinking. Even while sleeping, I’m thinking about my artwork.”
The Timeline
1964: Born 2 January in Khagaul, Bihar
1988: Moves to Delhi, to study at Lalit Kala Akademi
1989: Meets Russi Mody of Tata Steel, who sponsors his exhibit in Jamshedpur in 1990
1992: Solo show with Gallery Espace; meets his wife Bharti in New Delhi
1996: Moves from oils to installations with ‘29 Mornings’
1997: Wins Bose Pacia emerging artist award in New York
2000: Exhibits with Nature Morte for the first time at Lokayata, New Delhi
2002: Pierre Huber takes him to the Armory Show in New York
2005: Shows at Frieze Art Fair in London
2006: Shows at Art Basel, after first being rejected by the committee
2007: Is placed in a contemporary sale, as part of a selection from the Pierre Huber Collection
2008: Becomes youngest Indian artist to enter million-dollar club when ‘Saat Samundar Paar 10’ sells at a Christie’s auction for $1.2 million
2009: Solo show with Hauser and Wirth; part of a group show of Indian art at Saatchi
Sep 6, 2008
Business - BIG Pictures & Big Plans
Big Pictures, the Reliance Anil Dhirubhai Ambani Group company, with a presence in film entertainment, broadcasting and new media ventures, is busy exploring tie-ups with regional directors, whether mainstream or ?arty? because, it feels, ?every director has a certain viability.?In the Hindi film space, two co-productions are on the anvil — Daddy Cool with Maruti Pictures and Do Not Disturb with David Dhawan and Vasu Bhagnani. Big Pictures has a rights acquisition deal with Excel Entertainment for Luck By Choice and is working on its own production, Sikander, which is being directed by Piyush Jha. All four films will release from January 2009 onwards. The company is investing over Rs 1,000 crore over the one-and-a-half years in films. Mahesh Ramanathan, COO, Big Pictures, shares the company?s plans with Madhumita Mookerji of DNA Money. Excerpts:Has corporatisation helped improve efficiencies in the film industry? First, fundamentally, there is now a lot more focus on marketing and distribution. Films today are reaching far deeper. Secondly, a more organised approach is being adopted in film-making — the schedules are more well-planned, scripts are getting locked well in advance. Earlier, scripts used to be written during shoots. There is now more collaboration between the studio, which markets and distributes the film, and the creator. Earlier, directors made films out of passion. Now business is at the forefront. Making a film is important, but making it a success is more important. Previously, films were being funded by individuals… now clean money from organised sources have entered film production which is making it easier for the creative people to experiment. Rock On and Singh is Kinng have been big successes. How has the revenue mix been? Has more money come from abroad or India? There is a trend of growing overseas collections. This is mainly because, one, we have got a very good distribution system. Secondly, we are very big in the exhibition space. Under Adlabs, we own 250 screens in the US and 50 screens combined in Malaysia and Singapore. We plan to add more screens in the US. There are 18,000 screens in the US. Compared with that, there are 12,000 screens in India. However, that is inadequate in terms of the population. About 1,000 films are produced in 17 languages per annum in our country against say 225 films produced per annum in the US. How much of a role does distribution play in the success of a film? Has the distribution chain changed with the entry of corporates? With the exhibition space growing, more distributors are entering this area. However, the role of the distributor will have to evolve, because, now production companies have the ability to go to the theatres and book directly. So far, distributors took the risk by paying a guarantee. This risk can now be taken by the production companies themselves. But, traditional distributors will not go out of business because they have local knowledge of the market and the ability to reach remote areas. How is the Indian film industry doing? It is growing at a compounded annual growth rate of 18% over the last five years. Now that?s double India?s GDP growth rate. Can this growth be sustained? Yes, of course. The Indian box office is the largest in terms of admissions or ticket sales, at 3.5 billion per annum. In the US, admissions are at 1.5 billion per annum. But, in value terms, the Indian film industry falls much behind the US. We enjoy just 1.5% share of the global film industry. But that is where the opportunity for growth lies. You have signed deals with several Hollywood talents. What is the plan? We have signed development deals with Nicolas Cage?s Saturn Productions, Jim Carrey?s JC 23 Entertainment, George Clooney?s Smokehouse Productions, Brad Pitts?s Plan B Entertainment and Jay Roache?s Everyman Pictures. Now we will take these partnerships to the next level — we will greenlight some of the scripts. Will these be joint productions? We will decide on that later. Our overall plan is to have a development fund of $1 billion in these partnerships. What sort of a growth blueprint has Big Pictures envisaged? We are in the process of creating a very different motion picture slate, which will be pan-India in character. We are the only studio actively producing films in nine languages. We plan to work with the best creative talent and make good quality films. We are working with Shaaji Karun in a Malayalam film, Cheran in a Tamil Nadu film and M S Sathyu in Kannada. With Amol Palekar, we are working on a Marathi film and Govind Bhai Patel for a Gujrati movie. In Bengal, it?s Rituparno Ghosh and Buddhadev Dasgupta. For the Indian film slate, we have earmarked in excess of Rs 1,000 crore over the next one-and-half years. What is the trick to make movies that give good returns? A lot needs to be done at the script level. Scripts are the key to success. To invest in a good script, we need to work with the best directorial talent. We also need to have an organisation that can connect with consumer preferences, track viewership on genres and give feedback to the creative team which can be worked on for developing concepts. Is India moving towards production efficiencies found in big Hollywood studios? We have set up a production service team under Adlabs, which will invest in production infrastructure and production services. We have acquired a majority stake in the Nitin Desai Studio at Karjat. We are also building studio facilities in Goregaon ( in Mumbai) with shooting floors etc. The lab infrastructure is already in place. We?ll establish one of the finest post-production services under Adlabs with a 4K digital intermediate facility for colour corrections etc. Can Indian IT talent be leveraged for special effects? Yes. In fact, at Adlabs, we are setting up one of the world?s best special effects facilities. It?s in the process of being implemented and will take a year to be operational. Plans are afoot to have an integrated studio set-up.
Business - Australian dry cleaning major to launch retail chain;India
Australian dry-cleaning and laundry major Brown Gouge has entered into a technical collaboration with Delhi-based Diamond Fabcare to launch retail chain ‘Wardrobe’. With an investment of Rs 150 crore in the first phase, Wardrobe will spread its footprint in the North initially and look for a pan-India presence in a three-year horizon.“We have been scouting for a partner for the last seven years to enter India. With lifestyle changes sweeping India, it is a good market for us to explore. Currently, there are no organised chain in the sphere and with this partnership we are looking to improving the standards in the dry cleaning and laundry segment,” Mr Tim Mottin, Co Promoter, Brown Gouge told Business Line.Under the collaboration, the 93-year-old company will provide the technical knowhow of running the business, besides developing a supply chain system and conducting training programmes.‘Wardrobe’ will deploy equipment imported from Europe and the US, besides using fabric-friendly chemicals. The garment and upholsteries will be picked from its retail outlets and cleaned at a central processing unit.Growing sector According to marketing information company AC Nielsen, the dry cleaning and laundry industry in India is estimated at Rs 3,000-3,500 crore. Demand drivers such as the rising number of working women and awareness on dressing right and growth in hospitality and retail sector is giving a fillip to the sector.Mr B.L. Bajaj, Director of Wardrobe said, “According to our estimates, the daily demand for laundry will increase at 20-25 per cent annually.”He said the company will open 30 company-owned outlets in next two-three months (phase I). “We will be investing heavily into the supply chain management as it is critical to our operation. Wardrobe stores will be opened in residential areas to start with,” he said. The company is targeting both institutions and individuals for its growth
Columnists - Vir Sanghvi
Why Video doesn't kill TV Stars
I have recently come to two reluctant conclusions about my home viewing habits. The first is that though I have scores of movies on DVD, I don’t really watch them that much. The discs just pile up, unwatched and unloved, and often I forget I even have them.
The second is that I don’t watch much entertainment on TV either. There was a time when I loved watching TV shows. When Star came to India, I made it a point to stay at home to watch the latest serials. And through the 1980s I became a fan of such American TV shows as LA Law. Plus, there were those that I remembered from my childhood in England: Batman, Charlie’s Angels, The Man From U.N.C.L.E., Mission Impossible, The Saint etc. But these days, I hardly ever watch any fiction on TV. No matter how good a show is — and BBC Entertainment has some terrific programming — I can’t be bothered to read the papers each morning, find out when it is on and rearrange my evening accordingly. Hell, I can’t even be bothered to watch the damn thing if I stumble across it accidentally. I’d much rather watch news or current affairs.
I admit to all this reluctantly because, at some mindlessly egotistical level, I regard myself as a guy who is into popular culture. I think that I should make it my business to find out what people are watching on TV or to work out why a movie is doing well. And yet, here am I, evening after evening, leaving the pile of film DVDs untouched, switching channels when Life On Mars plays on BBC Entertainment and watching TV news in bite-sized 10-minute chunks.
And when I’m not doing that, I’m watching DVDs. Aha, I hear you say, but we thought you had stopped playing DVDs? Well, yes and no. It is true that I don’t often watch movies at home. But my DVD player comes on virtually every evening.
And what do you suppose I watch?
Why, the very same shows that I refuse to watch on TV. It’s a habit that started in the 1980s, when there was no satellite TV. I was cleaning out my video drawer recently and found that I had innumerable 1980s and early 1990s TV shows on video: The New Statesman,Spitting Image, Absolutely Fabulous, Blackadder, Prime Suspect, French and Saunders, Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy, Smiley’s People etc.
My reason for buying the videos then was that there was no other way I could have seen the shows. Even when Star Plus finally came to India, it tended to focus on the Baywatch kind of mass-market TV rather than the stuff I wanted to watch (which, in those days, was mostly British).
But when you watch a TV show on video, two things happen. Not only does it seem right for the box (in the way that movies, made for the big screen, never quite manage) but you are also no longer at the mercy of channel programmers. Do you want to watch four episodes in one night? No problem. Would you like to rewind to figure out some plot twist you did not fully comprehend? Easily done.
The consequence of my video-watching years is that I can no longer enjoy TV fiction in real time. I must see it at my own pace, in my own time and in as large a dose as I want —11 episodes in one night, if I so desire.
The DVD boom has made it worse. When I first started watching 24, I found it strangely compulsive, even allowing for all the times when Jack Bauer’s foolish daughter was kidnapped. I thought I’d watch a couple of (hour-long) episodes a day. No chance: I ended up seeing the whole first season plus extras (over 24 hours of programming) in less than three days.
Since that first season of 24, that’s pretty much been the pattern of my TV viewing. I buy whole seasons of an interesting show and then devour the episodes with a glutton-like glee. Look through my DVD collection, and away from the movies, still pristine in their shrink-wraps, you’ll find another pile of well-watched discs: Spooks, Hustle, Murder One, Life on Mars, Californication, Dirty Sexy Money, Boston Legal, Mad Men, Dr Who, The Tudors, Rome, Poirot, Hotel Babylon, Dirt, 24, State of Siege, Entourage, 30 Rock etc.
Sometimes, the shows become an obsession. The first few seasons of 24 had me staying up all night. (Not the last two seasons though.) So did the first season of Murder One. When one of the discs on the second season of Heroes did not work, I scoured Delhi looking for a replacement. (I found it.)
And sometimes they take over my life. I got into the West Wing late, long after the show had been cancelled. But the first season grabbed me so completely that I bought all seven seasons (something like 150 hours of programming) and watched the show relentlessly. If I travelled, my West Wing DVDs travelled with me. I watched the continuing travails of President Bartlett in Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, Mauritius, Bangkok and London and when the last episode was over, persuaded myself that there had to be a Season 8 and that inefficient shopkeepers were remiss in not stocking it.
The end result of all this is that I now know most major American and British TV shows inside-out, having watched every episode in sequence, something that could never have been possible if I had watched them on TV in real time.
Consequently, my movie watching has suffered. I’ll go and see movies in cinemas (Sex and the City and The Dark Knight, both subjects of previous columns) or watch them on planes (Shine A Light). But they seem curiously shrunken and short on my home screen.
The TV set is meant for watching TV shows. And in today’s world, we can do that — in our own time and on demand.
I have recently come to two reluctant conclusions about my home viewing habits. The first is that though I have scores of movies on DVD, I don’t really watch them that much. The discs just pile up, unwatched and unloved, and often I forget I even have them.
The second is that I don’t watch much entertainment on TV either. There was a time when I loved watching TV shows. When Star came to India, I made it a point to stay at home to watch the latest serials. And through the 1980s I became a fan of such American TV shows as LA Law. Plus, there were those that I remembered from my childhood in England: Batman, Charlie’s Angels, The Man From U.N.C.L.E., Mission Impossible, The Saint etc. But these days, I hardly ever watch any fiction on TV. No matter how good a show is — and BBC Entertainment has some terrific programming — I can’t be bothered to read the papers each morning, find out when it is on and rearrange my evening accordingly. Hell, I can’t even be bothered to watch the damn thing if I stumble across it accidentally. I’d much rather watch news or current affairs.
I admit to all this reluctantly because, at some mindlessly egotistical level, I regard myself as a guy who is into popular culture. I think that I should make it my business to find out what people are watching on TV or to work out why a movie is doing well. And yet, here am I, evening after evening, leaving the pile of film DVDs untouched, switching channels when Life On Mars plays on BBC Entertainment and watching TV news in bite-sized 10-minute chunks.
And when I’m not doing that, I’m watching DVDs. Aha, I hear you say, but we thought you had stopped playing DVDs? Well, yes and no. It is true that I don’t often watch movies at home. But my DVD player comes on virtually every evening.
And what do you suppose I watch?
Why, the very same shows that I refuse to watch on TV. It’s a habit that started in the 1980s, when there was no satellite TV. I was cleaning out my video drawer recently and found that I had innumerable 1980s and early 1990s TV shows on video: The New Statesman,Spitting Image, Absolutely Fabulous, Blackadder, Prime Suspect, French and Saunders, Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy, Smiley’s People etc.
My reason for buying the videos then was that there was no other way I could have seen the shows. Even when Star Plus finally came to India, it tended to focus on the Baywatch kind of mass-market TV rather than the stuff I wanted to watch (which, in those days, was mostly British).
But when you watch a TV show on video, two things happen. Not only does it seem right for the box (in the way that movies, made for the big screen, never quite manage) but you are also no longer at the mercy of channel programmers. Do you want to watch four episodes in one night? No problem. Would you like to rewind to figure out some plot twist you did not fully comprehend? Easily done.
The consequence of my video-watching years is that I can no longer enjoy TV fiction in real time. I must see it at my own pace, in my own time and in as large a dose as I want —11 episodes in one night, if I so desire.
The DVD boom has made it worse. When I first started watching 24, I found it strangely compulsive, even allowing for all the times when Jack Bauer’s foolish daughter was kidnapped. I thought I’d watch a couple of (hour-long) episodes a day. No chance: I ended up seeing the whole first season plus extras (over 24 hours of programming) in less than three days.
Since that first season of 24, that’s pretty much been the pattern of my TV viewing. I buy whole seasons of an interesting show and then devour the episodes with a glutton-like glee. Look through my DVD collection, and away from the movies, still pristine in their shrink-wraps, you’ll find another pile of well-watched discs: Spooks, Hustle, Murder One, Life on Mars, Californication, Dirty Sexy Money, Boston Legal, Mad Men, Dr Who, The Tudors, Rome, Poirot, Hotel Babylon, Dirt, 24, State of Siege, Entourage, 30 Rock etc.
Sometimes, the shows become an obsession. The first few seasons of 24 had me staying up all night. (Not the last two seasons though.) So did the first season of Murder One. When one of the discs on the second season of Heroes did not work, I scoured Delhi looking for a replacement. (I found it.)
And sometimes they take over my life. I got into the West Wing late, long after the show had been cancelled. But the first season grabbed me so completely that I bought all seven seasons (something like 150 hours of programming) and watched the show relentlessly. If I travelled, my West Wing DVDs travelled with me. I watched the continuing travails of President Bartlett in Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, Mauritius, Bangkok and London and when the last episode was over, persuaded myself that there had to be a Season 8 and that inefficient shopkeepers were remiss in not stocking it.
The end result of all this is that I now know most major American and British TV shows inside-out, having watched every episode in sequence, something that could never have been possible if I had watched them on TV in real time.
Consequently, my movie watching has suffered. I’ll go and see movies in cinemas (Sex and the City and The Dark Knight, both subjects of previous columns) or watch them on planes (Shine A Light). But they seem curiously shrunken and short on my home screen.
The TV set is meant for watching TV shows. And in today’s world, we can do that — in our own time and on demand.
Business - Rock On! with these
Shopping for a rock and looking perhaps for a stone that will be just perfect? When it comes to De Beers diamonds, the “Forever” mark is an assurance that the stone in question is indeed top-of-the-line in terms of not just size but also colour, clarity, origin and so forth.
Only one per cent of all diamonds produced are marked as such and thus, as far as a certificate of exclusivity goes, this one is certainly it.
Now, the Forever mark is available in India too — on luxury jewellery by Amaris Regalia, a new brand that launched this week and one that is now positioning itself as “the first” Indian luxury jewellery brand of its kind.
A joint venture between Delhi-based Khanna Jewellers and M Suresh Co, one of De Beer’s biggest site-holders in the country (importing roughs and cutting, polishing and mostly exporting finished diamonds), Amaris promises exclusivity not just in terms of design but also in the quality, size and colour of the stones used.
Exclusive stores are planned to retail the jewellery, the first of which opens at DLF Emporio, the new luxury mall in Delhi, tomorrow.
“We felt this was the right time to extend our expertise to the luxury segment. We intend to take our brand to top metros like Hyderabad, Bangalore and Mumbai, and expand to international markets like London and Dubai,” says Manoj Khanna, CEO.
So, what can you pick up? For one, there is a nine carat ring with a “Forever” mark, so exclusive as to merit a price tag of Rs 2 crore plus though Khanna only gives an estimate, reluctant to really pin it down further.
There is also a bracelet in natural golden diamonds pegged at Rs 35 lakh, as also an entire set in natural golden-coloured diamonds. Khanna says that the full range of jewellery will be offered —from traditional Indian bridal to contemporary.
“The finest in solitaires and designs with the eye-catching natural coloured diamonds will also be available.” Rings are available for Rs 2 lakh plus while larger pieces obviously command higher prices.
In addition, there are limited edition jewelled articles and accessories such as jewelled kripans (daggers), navratan pooja thaalis, belts with diamond-studded buckles, cuff-links and so forth.
If you are looking for more exclusive jewellery, designer Divvya A Bhasin has some very unusual pieces. Bhasin has long been known for her trunk shows all over the world, participating in exhibitions in Basel and Las Vegas. She has high-profile buyers, including the high-flying Emiratis (the royal family in Dubai) but primarily operated through word-of-mouth till now.
Recently, however, she has opened her store in Delhi’s Archana Arcade. The Gemological Institute of America (GIA)-trained designer is known for her use of natural materials with precious stones.
So don’t be surprised to find wood, beads, leather or suede with polkis in her work. In fact, she has also put together old traditional kundan with fabric, corals, sea shells and even fossils bought in Greece!
This season, amongst the hottest picks are dressy “Om” cocktail rings made of wood. These are carved with the motif and studded with gold and uncut diamonds (polkis), making for eyecatching pieces. What’s more, they are affordable too.
“The more you pay, the better will be the quality of the stones, but jewellery can even be something that is worn on a string. It is what appeals to an individual,” points out Bhasin.
Another interesting buy from her collection is fossil earrings, embossed with gold and polki, apart from very chic navratan cufflinks in an abstract theme.
The Om ring is priced at about Rs 25,000, the cufflinks for Rs 35,00, while the earrings are more expensive. Bhasin’s collection ranges from Rs 15,000-20 lakh. And in case you want her to customise something, she could do that too.
“If you have an old wedding lehnga or your grandmother’s brocade saree, we can take a bit from that and form it into jewellery so that it has some sentimental value too,” Bhasin says.
Meanwhile, The Gem Legacy, an exclusive coloured stone jewellery brand that was launched by designers Gaurav and Ritu Khanna some time ago, is now expanding and going all over India. The pieces have a touch of Western styling to make them suitable to go with both Indian and Western wear.
New here is the Zambian Emerald Collection, which presents an extravagant range of necklaces and ear pieces made with emeralds. Every piece is crafted individually and adorned with diamonds in white gold.
One of the magnificent pieces here is the ring of oval Zambian emerald married with the brilliant cut of diamonds (Rs 2.15 lakh). You can also buy a necklace of marquese diamonds, with Zambian emerald drop, in white gold and teardrop emerald earrings (Rs 5.3 lakh).
Besides these Indian brands, there are a few international ones that have recently launched in the country too. Interestingly enough, you now have a Thai company, Pranda, launching a brand of 24 carat gold jewellery here.
Pranda is primarily a South-east Asian manufacturer, with clients among some of the top jewellery brands in the world. It’s also got some brands of its own, and launched its campaign in India with its best known one — Prima Gold.
The company has picked on three collections after an 18-month long research of the Indian market, reveals its managing director Vinod Tejwani, “Classic, which has geometrical shapes and straight lines and makes for elegant designs; the more conventional Natural collection inspired by flowers, leaves, butterflies and so on; and the two-toned Modern collection in 24 carat yellow gold fused with 18 carat white gold. The progressive, sophisticated middle-class market is our target.”
Pranda is tying up “TRJs” — trusted retail jewellers — for distributing Prima Gold. At the moment, the network takes in eight states but it’s soon going to spread to the rest of the country, promises Tejwani.
A store in Jewelworld, the jewellery mall in the vicinity of Mumbai’s Zaveri Bazar will also open later this year. “But that will be more for the trade,” says Tejwani. Prices — Rs 4,000 to Rs 5 lakh.
Finally, if Swarovski is what you are fixated on, this would be a good time to buy a couple of pieces from their new collection of jewellery — where the motifs are all “swan” dominated. The swan has been an instantly recognisable symbol of the brand since 1989.
Now, this year, it has been reinterpreted and given the name “Swanflower” by Nathalie Colin-Roblique, creative director. The motif is the star of a new line of jewellery and accessories. Buy that rhodium bangle with bicolour pave crystals now.
Only one per cent of all diamonds produced are marked as such and thus, as far as a certificate of exclusivity goes, this one is certainly it.
Now, the Forever mark is available in India too — on luxury jewellery by Amaris Regalia, a new brand that launched this week and one that is now positioning itself as “the first” Indian luxury jewellery brand of its kind.
A joint venture between Delhi-based Khanna Jewellers and M Suresh Co, one of De Beer’s biggest site-holders in the country (importing roughs and cutting, polishing and mostly exporting finished diamonds), Amaris promises exclusivity not just in terms of design but also in the quality, size and colour of the stones used.
Exclusive stores are planned to retail the jewellery, the first of which opens at DLF Emporio, the new luxury mall in Delhi, tomorrow.
“We felt this was the right time to extend our expertise to the luxury segment. We intend to take our brand to top metros like Hyderabad, Bangalore and Mumbai, and expand to international markets like London and Dubai,” says Manoj Khanna, CEO.
So, what can you pick up? For one, there is a nine carat ring with a “Forever” mark, so exclusive as to merit a price tag of Rs 2 crore plus though Khanna only gives an estimate, reluctant to really pin it down further.
There is also a bracelet in natural golden diamonds pegged at Rs 35 lakh, as also an entire set in natural golden-coloured diamonds. Khanna says that the full range of jewellery will be offered —from traditional Indian bridal to contemporary.
“The finest in solitaires and designs with the eye-catching natural coloured diamonds will also be available.” Rings are available for Rs 2 lakh plus while larger pieces obviously command higher prices.
In addition, there are limited edition jewelled articles and accessories such as jewelled kripans (daggers), navratan pooja thaalis, belts with diamond-studded buckles, cuff-links and so forth.
If you are looking for more exclusive jewellery, designer Divvya A Bhasin has some very unusual pieces. Bhasin has long been known for her trunk shows all over the world, participating in exhibitions in Basel and Las Vegas. She has high-profile buyers, including the high-flying Emiratis (the royal family in Dubai) but primarily operated through word-of-mouth till now.
Recently, however, she has opened her store in Delhi’s Archana Arcade. The Gemological Institute of America (GIA)-trained designer is known for her use of natural materials with precious stones.
So don’t be surprised to find wood, beads, leather or suede with polkis in her work. In fact, she has also put together old traditional kundan with fabric, corals, sea shells and even fossils bought in Greece!
This season, amongst the hottest picks are dressy “Om” cocktail rings made of wood. These are carved with the motif and studded with gold and uncut diamonds (polkis), making for eyecatching pieces. What’s more, they are affordable too.
“The more you pay, the better will be the quality of the stones, but jewellery can even be something that is worn on a string. It is what appeals to an individual,” points out Bhasin.
Another interesting buy from her collection is fossil earrings, embossed with gold and polki, apart from very chic navratan cufflinks in an abstract theme.
The Om ring is priced at about Rs 25,000, the cufflinks for Rs 35,00, while the earrings are more expensive. Bhasin’s collection ranges from Rs 15,000-20 lakh. And in case you want her to customise something, she could do that too.
“If you have an old wedding lehnga or your grandmother’s brocade saree, we can take a bit from that and form it into jewellery so that it has some sentimental value too,” Bhasin says.
Meanwhile, The Gem Legacy, an exclusive coloured stone jewellery brand that was launched by designers Gaurav and Ritu Khanna some time ago, is now expanding and going all over India. The pieces have a touch of Western styling to make them suitable to go with both Indian and Western wear.
New here is the Zambian Emerald Collection, which presents an extravagant range of necklaces and ear pieces made with emeralds. Every piece is crafted individually and adorned with diamonds in white gold.
One of the magnificent pieces here is the ring of oval Zambian emerald married with the brilliant cut of diamonds (Rs 2.15 lakh). You can also buy a necklace of marquese diamonds, with Zambian emerald drop, in white gold and teardrop emerald earrings (Rs 5.3 lakh).
Besides these Indian brands, there are a few international ones that have recently launched in the country too. Interestingly enough, you now have a Thai company, Pranda, launching a brand of 24 carat gold jewellery here.
Pranda is primarily a South-east Asian manufacturer, with clients among some of the top jewellery brands in the world. It’s also got some brands of its own, and launched its campaign in India with its best known one — Prima Gold.
The company has picked on three collections after an 18-month long research of the Indian market, reveals its managing director Vinod Tejwani, “Classic, which has geometrical shapes and straight lines and makes for elegant designs; the more conventional Natural collection inspired by flowers, leaves, butterflies and so on; and the two-toned Modern collection in 24 carat yellow gold fused with 18 carat white gold. The progressive, sophisticated middle-class market is our target.”
Pranda is tying up “TRJs” — trusted retail jewellers — for distributing Prima Gold. At the moment, the network takes in eight states but it’s soon going to spread to the rest of the country, promises Tejwani.
A store in Jewelworld, the jewellery mall in the vicinity of Mumbai’s Zaveri Bazar will also open later this year. “But that will be more for the trade,” says Tejwani. Prices — Rs 4,000 to Rs 5 lakh.
Finally, if Swarovski is what you are fixated on, this would be a good time to buy a couple of pieces from their new collection of jewellery — where the motifs are all “swan” dominated. The swan has been an instantly recognisable symbol of the brand since 1989.
Now, this year, it has been reinterpreted and given the name “Swanflower” by Nathalie Colin-Roblique, creative director. The motif is the star of a new line of jewellery and accessories. Buy that rhodium bangle with bicolour pave crystals now.
Lifestyle - More Italian Dons
Whatever the reasons, there has been a recent rash of Italian designer stores (clothing, accessories and shoes) being launched in the metros, Italian “plug-n-cook” kitchens are catching on, and Italian fashion seems to be closing in on haute couture. So why not Italian wines?
After Tuscany (whose Chianti I wrote about last month), the most famous wine area in Italy is Piedmont (“at the foot of the mountains”), the region of north-west Italy adjacent to Turin (Torino), and the best Italian wine is undoubtedly Barolo — the name given to wine made from the Nebbiolo grape of this region and which has famously been called “the wine of kings — and the king of wines”!
Barolos typically have an aroma of tar and roses, are expensive and some older wines can take on an orangish hue.
The traditional method of producing a Barolo gave a very dark and intensely tannic wine that required at least 10 years of ageing in large casks to soften; many producers have now changed to a more modern process that allows the wines to be ready within 5-7 years (much to the horror of traditionalists and the delight of consumers).
Barbaresco is the other world-class wine made in this area, also from the Nebbiolo grape, and like Barolo takes its name from the village at the heart of the area permitted to use this title for its wines.
The major difference between the two wines is that a Barbaresco is softer and ready to drink sooner that a Barolo, but will not keep for as long.
The largest volume of wines in Piedmont comes from the workhorse Barbera and Dolcetto whose vineyards occupy much of the area devoted to wine. Also produced here is the white wine Gavi (made from the Cortese grape) and Asti Spumante — a light, fruity and sweet sparkling wine produced from the Muscato (Muscat) grape.
The Italian wine guide Gambero Rosso rates Gaja (of Piedmont) as the best winemaker in Italy, having garnered 41 “three glasses” awards over the last 21 years. Other notable wine companies from Piedmont include La Spinetta (32 awards), Altare (26 awards), Clerico (19), Giacomo Conterno (17), La Barbatella and Paolo Scavino (both 16) — all unfortunately still unknown in India.
Among prominent wineries from Piedmont whose wines are available in India are Pio Cesare, Castello Banfi, Prunotto and Marchesi di Barolo. And, of course, the vermouths from Martini Rossi and Cinzano.
After Tuscany (whose Chianti I wrote about last month), the most famous wine area in Italy is Piedmont (“at the foot of the mountains”), the region of north-west Italy adjacent to Turin (Torino), and the best Italian wine is undoubtedly Barolo — the name given to wine made from the Nebbiolo grape of this region and which has famously been called “the wine of kings — and the king of wines”!
Barolos typically have an aroma of tar and roses, are expensive and some older wines can take on an orangish hue.
The traditional method of producing a Barolo gave a very dark and intensely tannic wine that required at least 10 years of ageing in large casks to soften; many producers have now changed to a more modern process that allows the wines to be ready within 5-7 years (much to the horror of traditionalists and the delight of consumers).
Barbaresco is the other world-class wine made in this area, also from the Nebbiolo grape, and like Barolo takes its name from the village at the heart of the area permitted to use this title for its wines.
The major difference between the two wines is that a Barbaresco is softer and ready to drink sooner that a Barolo, but will not keep for as long.
The largest volume of wines in Piedmont comes from the workhorse Barbera and Dolcetto whose vineyards occupy much of the area devoted to wine. Also produced here is the white wine Gavi (made from the Cortese grape) and Asti Spumante — a light, fruity and sweet sparkling wine produced from the Muscato (Muscat) grape.
The Italian wine guide Gambero Rosso rates Gaja (of Piedmont) as the best winemaker in Italy, having garnered 41 “three glasses” awards over the last 21 years. Other notable wine companies from Piedmont include La Spinetta (32 awards), Altare (26 awards), Clerico (19), Giacomo Conterno (17), La Barbatella and Paolo Scavino (both 16) — all unfortunately still unknown in India.
Among prominent wineries from Piedmont whose wines are available in India are Pio Cesare, Castello Banfi, Prunotto and Marchesi di Barolo. And, of course, the vermouths from Martini Rossi and Cinzano.
Lifestyle - The Princess Trap;Shahnaz Hussain
For the third time I try to take my leave. For the third time it is peremptorily dismissed.
“Bring nimbu-pani,” she says, “and ask a tailor to come in.”
In her “cosy room” with its cut-glass (surely it can’t be acrylic?) sofas painted gold, with sequinned cushions to match, cups of sweet coffee cool on the side tables. To one side is her gym. This is where she does yoga in the morning. Phones barricade “her” chair.
Outside, another door leads to a warren of rooms that constitute her walk-in closet. Racks are packed with hangers from which hang dresses — caftans, robes, coats — with sequins and beads and fussy detailing. A wall is hung with handbags. A mirror and chair indicate where her in-house beauty staff attend to her.
An assistant takes out several jackets, their lapels and cuffs and belts trimmed with leather cut from Louis Vuitton leather handbags. “I love matching my clothes with my bags,” Shahnaz Husain had tossed her tawny mane, “I’m Louis Vuitton’s best roving ambassador.”
Three tailors work full time for her, stitching, beading and embroidering clothes for her approval, clothes she will probably never repeat. And now, one of the tailors, trembling, is standing by to take my measurements because Shahnaz Husain has decided that she will design me a kurta.
“You must wear it,” she commands. I don’t dare demur.
Only moments earlier, she’d rung a bell to summon an assistant. “Neeche se awaaz kyon aa rahi hai?” she had wanted to know. All I could hear was a soft murmur of voices drifting up from the ground floor to the first floor.
Now she rings the bell again. “All that noise,” she is irritated, “I want the building cleared, everyone, out, out, out!”
Only a few hours ago, she had descended the stately staircase, past pillars and vases and banks of artificial flowers, a red coat with silver buttons flapping over a black dress edged with lace. Red clogs added six inches to her height. Gold gleamed on her wrist and around her ankle, diamonds burned on the slope of her nose. A photographer recorded the journey down for posterity on his handycam In the living room where I await her, the major domo lays the dining table for lunch, strewing rose petals across the glass before setting the delicate porcelain. The sofas and chairs are all white, synthetic fur draped across them, furry cushions like soft animals nuzzling into the small of the back.
In the event, all his efforts were in vain as Shahnaz Husain, huge kohled eyes dimpling behind an enormous pair of glasses, insists on a trolley brought where we are sitting. A huge feast for the guest. A minuscule but balanced meal for the host. A half-hour after looking at it several times, it is sent back.
She wants tea instead.Sweet tea comes in pretty cups and saucers that match the luncheon set. Shahnaz Husain’s cup lies untasted.
In that room with its mirrors and chandeliered lights, its Chinese vases and Italian sculpture, Shahnaz Husain is a vulnerable grown-up child, confessing to a fear of time. “I want to cling to memories,” she says, “I want to hold on to time.” In a corner, facing away from her, is a photograph of her son, Sameer, who committed suicide some months back. A decade ago she had lost her first husband. “Sharing grief with others is not possible,” she had snapped when I had commiserated her loss.
“I was married at 13, pregnant at 14, a mother at 15,” she has told practically every journalist who has set foot in her home. Now she says, “Maybe because I never had a childhood, I’m obsessed with dolls and teddy bears.” As a possible cure, she’s locked away her collection.
But there’s another facet to her compulsive behaviour that has endured. “Every evening,” she says, “I go to Barista to have coffee.” Her chosen location is Select Citywalk in Saket; in London, she’s to be found at Starbucks. She wants to open her own coffee chain, she says, called Starstruck, but Starbucks, it seems, has objections to the name. Shahnaz Husain shrugs her impressive shoulders. “Maybe I will start it, maybe they will sue me, let’s see.”
She snaps her fingers for assistance from the battery of staff gathered in the lounge outside “You know I don’t meet journalists” — snap! snap! — “I’ve told you I want you to record my interviews so you can play them for anyone who wants my views.” A tape recorder is hastily placed next to her by the assistant who has been hired to write down everything Shahnaz Husain says, all of it to go into a book that will be called — “what will it be called?” Shahnaz Husain snaps some more fingers.
“It will be called One Life is Not Enough, says the scribe. “And my blog, tell him about my blog,” the diva commands. “It’s called mylifewall.com,” says the companion who will travel with her for three months to London to record her musings. “Write about it,” Shahnaz Husain turns to me, “it might inspire some poor girl who has given up all hope.”
To the hapless girl in the room she says, “Tell him the quotation I like.” Turning to me, the assistant diligently parodies: “One day you’ll ask me what is more important — my life or yours? I will say mine and you will walk away, not knowing that you are my life.”
“That’s the way I want you to think of my work,” says Shahnaz Husain.
Her story is well known, of her little salon and the curiosity it first created in the seventies, of her making unguents and creams in the verandah of her home, the patronage of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi that got her a foothold into the Festivals of India and the headiness of selling to Ingrid Bergman, Princess Diana, the Queen Mother, Barbara Cartland and Michael Jackson. I refrain from commenting that they are all dead now, with the exception of Jackson — and look at him anyhow!
There’s no doubting that Shahnaz Husain lived up to her formidable “Princess” persona, wooing the media with her larger-than-life image, all glitter and gold, beside whom the European royals looked anaemic. She stormed into London and Paris and Tokyo. “I’m a creation of the media,” she says happily. Then, “I’m a creation of our missions overseas.”
It’s not true, I contradict her, no one else could have created her, only Shahnaz Husain could have created herself. But she is already reminiscing about packaging and media headlines and selling civilisation in a jar. Is she, I ask a little louder, a creature of the past? “I’m a child of tomorrow,” says Shahnaz Husain, “I never think of yesterday, never live in today, only tomorrow is important.”
“You cannot change the past,” she explains, “the future you can change.”
In the past, she made her first million in Yugoslavia, and that helped finance her factory. She tells stories now, of how she went by her gut against her financial department’s advice. “My husband, Mr Husain,” she recalls, “said ‘Shehnu, risk mat lo. Iska anjam samajh lena, tum maut ko lalkar rahi ho’.” His concern, she says, was the dreaded FERA regulations, but she had her way.
“When I see a wall,” Shahnaz Husain says, “I don’t walk away, I break through it.”
For all that, she couldn’t be having an easy time. It isn’t just old-timers who swear by her products, but the packaging for the domestic market is a disaster. Upstarts have taken over the market. Biotique has a fair name, and VLCC is leaps ahead in the business. And foreign brands are streaming in with lavish marketing budgets.
Shahnaz Husain, weighed down by personal tragedy, and age, is coping. “I’m launching,” she tells me, “a new range for the masses, with everything priced under Rs 100.” All because, she says, a stranger on the street told her that Shahnaz was only for the elite.
She looks pleased to be considered part of the elite. She looks pleased too to be bending a little for the masses.
Will she sell her brand?“There was a company” — she refuses to name it — “that said, ‘Princess, we’ll give you $500,000 to associate our brand with yours in India’. I asked if they would use my brand with theirs internationally. When they said no, I said no.”
But yes, she’s open to a professional CEO running the business, provided he dedicates his life to Shahnaz. “Or, I’ll have to take the last call before dying,” she smiles happily at the thought.
The “Princess” — her staff though refers to her as “Mummy” behind her back — is open to financial opportunities. “I’ve wanted to do an IPO for a long time,” she says. “Maybe the time is right now, maybe I should.”
“I would not mind if a foreign company joined us and put us at the world level professionally. A company,” she pauses, “that makes small, homegrown companies grow internationally. I wouldn’t mind that such a company should put in its finances, time and effort into Shahnaz.”
As I try and leave, yet again, she says, “I’m very irritable about details. If something doesn’t happen as it should, it causes me immense disappointment.” She adds, “Though that’s what people say about me, I don’t interfere with everything, I don’t look into everything.”
We exchange pleasantries and promises to meet again soon and I’m halfway down the stairs with the staff standing by but no one filming my escape when she calls, “You must promise to wear the kurta I’m designing for you.” Oh dear.
“Bring nimbu-pani,” she says, “and ask a tailor to come in.”
In her “cosy room” with its cut-glass (surely it can’t be acrylic?) sofas painted gold, with sequinned cushions to match, cups of sweet coffee cool on the side tables. To one side is her gym. This is where she does yoga in the morning. Phones barricade “her” chair.
Outside, another door leads to a warren of rooms that constitute her walk-in closet. Racks are packed with hangers from which hang dresses — caftans, robes, coats — with sequins and beads and fussy detailing. A wall is hung with handbags. A mirror and chair indicate where her in-house beauty staff attend to her.
An assistant takes out several jackets, their lapels and cuffs and belts trimmed with leather cut from Louis Vuitton leather handbags. “I love matching my clothes with my bags,” Shahnaz Husain had tossed her tawny mane, “I’m Louis Vuitton’s best roving ambassador.”
Three tailors work full time for her, stitching, beading and embroidering clothes for her approval, clothes she will probably never repeat. And now, one of the tailors, trembling, is standing by to take my measurements because Shahnaz Husain has decided that she will design me a kurta.
“You must wear it,” she commands. I don’t dare demur.
Only moments earlier, she’d rung a bell to summon an assistant. “Neeche se awaaz kyon aa rahi hai?” she had wanted to know. All I could hear was a soft murmur of voices drifting up from the ground floor to the first floor.
Now she rings the bell again. “All that noise,” she is irritated, “I want the building cleared, everyone, out, out, out!”
Only a few hours ago, she had descended the stately staircase, past pillars and vases and banks of artificial flowers, a red coat with silver buttons flapping over a black dress edged with lace. Red clogs added six inches to her height. Gold gleamed on her wrist and around her ankle, diamonds burned on the slope of her nose. A photographer recorded the journey down for posterity on his handycam In the living room where I await her, the major domo lays the dining table for lunch, strewing rose petals across the glass before setting the delicate porcelain. The sofas and chairs are all white, synthetic fur draped across them, furry cushions like soft animals nuzzling into the small of the back.
In the event, all his efforts were in vain as Shahnaz Husain, huge kohled eyes dimpling behind an enormous pair of glasses, insists on a trolley brought where we are sitting. A huge feast for the guest. A minuscule but balanced meal for the host. A half-hour after looking at it several times, it is sent back.
She wants tea instead.Sweet tea comes in pretty cups and saucers that match the luncheon set. Shahnaz Husain’s cup lies untasted.
In that room with its mirrors and chandeliered lights, its Chinese vases and Italian sculpture, Shahnaz Husain is a vulnerable grown-up child, confessing to a fear of time. “I want to cling to memories,” she says, “I want to hold on to time.” In a corner, facing away from her, is a photograph of her son, Sameer, who committed suicide some months back. A decade ago she had lost her first husband. “Sharing grief with others is not possible,” she had snapped when I had commiserated her loss.
“I was married at 13, pregnant at 14, a mother at 15,” she has told practically every journalist who has set foot in her home. Now she says, “Maybe because I never had a childhood, I’m obsessed with dolls and teddy bears.” As a possible cure, she’s locked away her collection.
But there’s another facet to her compulsive behaviour that has endured. “Every evening,” she says, “I go to Barista to have coffee.” Her chosen location is Select Citywalk in Saket; in London, she’s to be found at Starbucks. She wants to open her own coffee chain, she says, called Starstruck, but Starbucks, it seems, has objections to the name. Shahnaz Husain shrugs her impressive shoulders. “Maybe I will start it, maybe they will sue me, let’s see.”
She snaps her fingers for assistance from the battery of staff gathered in the lounge outside “You know I don’t meet journalists” — snap! snap! — “I’ve told you I want you to record my interviews so you can play them for anyone who wants my views.” A tape recorder is hastily placed next to her by the assistant who has been hired to write down everything Shahnaz Husain says, all of it to go into a book that will be called — “what will it be called?” Shahnaz Husain snaps some more fingers.
“It will be called One Life is Not Enough, says the scribe. “And my blog, tell him about my blog,” the diva commands. “It’s called mylifewall.com,” says the companion who will travel with her for three months to London to record her musings. “Write about it,” Shahnaz Husain turns to me, “it might inspire some poor girl who has given up all hope.”
To the hapless girl in the room she says, “Tell him the quotation I like.” Turning to me, the assistant diligently parodies: “One day you’ll ask me what is more important — my life or yours? I will say mine and you will walk away, not knowing that you are my life.”
“That’s the way I want you to think of my work,” says Shahnaz Husain.
Her story is well known, of her little salon and the curiosity it first created in the seventies, of her making unguents and creams in the verandah of her home, the patronage of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi that got her a foothold into the Festivals of India and the headiness of selling to Ingrid Bergman, Princess Diana, the Queen Mother, Barbara Cartland and Michael Jackson. I refrain from commenting that they are all dead now, with the exception of Jackson — and look at him anyhow!
There’s no doubting that Shahnaz Husain lived up to her formidable “Princess” persona, wooing the media with her larger-than-life image, all glitter and gold, beside whom the European royals looked anaemic. She stormed into London and Paris and Tokyo. “I’m a creation of the media,” she says happily. Then, “I’m a creation of our missions overseas.”
It’s not true, I contradict her, no one else could have created her, only Shahnaz Husain could have created herself. But she is already reminiscing about packaging and media headlines and selling civilisation in a jar. Is she, I ask a little louder, a creature of the past? “I’m a child of tomorrow,” says Shahnaz Husain, “I never think of yesterday, never live in today, only tomorrow is important.”
“You cannot change the past,” she explains, “the future you can change.”
In the past, she made her first million in Yugoslavia, and that helped finance her factory. She tells stories now, of how she went by her gut against her financial department’s advice. “My husband, Mr Husain,” she recalls, “said ‘Shehnu, risk mat lo. Iska anjam samajh lena, tum maut ko lalkar rahi ho’.” His concern, she says, was the dreaded FERA regulations, but she had her way.
“When I see a wall,” Shahnaz Husain says, “I don’t walk away, I break through it.”
For all that, she couldn’t be having an easy time. It isn’t just old-timers who swear by her products, but the packaging for the domestic market is a disaster. Upstarts have taken over the market. Biotique has a fair name, and VLCC is leaps ahead in the business. And foreign brands are streaming in with lavish marketing budgets.
Shahnaz Husain, weighed down by personal tragedy, and age, is coping. “I’m launching,” she tells me, “a new range for the masses, with everything priced under Rs 100.” All because, she says, a stranger on the street told her that Shahnaz was only for the elite.
She looks pleased to be considered part of the elite. She looks pleased too to be bending a little for the masses.
Will she sell her brand?“There was a company” — she refuses to name it — “that said, ‘Princess, we’ll give you $500,000 to associate our brand with yours in India’. I asked if they would use my brand with theirs internationally. When they said no, I said no.”
But yes, she’s open to a professional CEO running the business, provided he dedicates his life to Shahnaz. “Or, I’ll have to take the last call before dying,” she smiles happily at the thought.
The “Princess” — her staff though refers to her as “Mummy” behind her back — is open to financial opportunities. “I’ve wanted to do an IPO for a long time,” she says. “Maybe the time is right now, maybe I should.”
“I would not mind if a foreign company joined us and put us at the world level professionally. A company,” she pauses, “that makes small, homegrown companies grow internationally. I wouldn’t mind that such a company should put in its finances, time and effort into Shahnaz.”
As I try and leave, yet again, she says, “I’m very irritable about details. If something doesn’t happen as it should, it causes me immense disappointment.” She adds, “Though that’s what people say about me, I don’t interfere with everything, I don’t look into everything.”
We exchange pleasantries and promises to meet again soon and I’m halfway down the stairs with the staff standing by but no one filming my escape when she calls, “You must promise to wear the kurta I’m designing for you.” Oh dear.
Business - India;Retail keen on evaluating biz structures with high end cos
MUMBAI: The slowdown in the economy and archaic rules on real estate may have affected the mainstream retail industry, but there is a flurry of activity on the high-end retail segment, as existing players actively explore business structures to tie up with global high-end retail majors. Mandates with consulting firms, including those from the Big Four, show that players such as Reliance Retail, Aditya Birla Retail, Shoppers Stop and others are keen on evaluating business structures with high-end firms such as Marks & Spencer or Armani or a Moschino to tap demand from the growing number of HNIs (high-networth individuals). According to sources, growth in demand for luxury items is pitched against a slowdown in mainstream retail as high inflation pushes back purchase decisions. The main driver is an increase in the number of individuals in India, who can afford to fly abroad to splurge on high-end accessories ranging from Rs 80,000 and above. Business structures being considered include a franchisee model to start with, which could later be converted into a joint venture if the two partners consider it worthwhile. Firms such as KPMG, PricewaterhouseCoopers and Ernst & Young are working on such structures and also advising on possible tax-efficient structures, as there are grey areas in levying value-added tax (VAT) on items such as a diamond-studded watch or a high-end leather jacket. For a diamond-studded watch, if the item is categorised as a watch then VAT levy is a high 12.5% compared to that on a gold or a diamond item where VAT could be just 1% or less. Recently, many UK retailers, including Marks & Spencer, have been looking to gain a presence in India. Consulting firm KPMG’s tax partner in India, Amarjeet Singh, is expected to advise such high-end retail clients who are planning to move to India, especially as there is a strong demand from European clients for advice on the tax and regulatory environment around investing in India. Speaking on the robust interest in high-end retail, KPMG manager strategic services C Ravishankar said: “The market for high-end luxury items in India is growing. Since it is difficult to build a luxury item from scratch, there are efforts to bring established global brands into India. In such cases you have to be clear on the type of business structures that can be formed,” he added. India’s fast-growing high-end retail market is expected to increase from the current $3.5 billion to $30 billion by 2015. According to sources in Reliance Retail, the key driver for luxury retail, apart from growing HNIs, is that the margins are also very high, as much as 70% to 80%. The luxury retail market is roughly estimated to be about Rs 2,000 crore and expected to grow at 20% in the next five years. Although the pace is slower than the mainstream retail, which had been growing at the rate of 30% to 40%, the value of the luxury market is much higher. According to KH Vishwanathan of Astute Consulting, firms are currently involved in doing a concept study to highlight the compliance part and tax efficiency of a proposed business structure. Nielsen Company director (retail consulting division) Asitava Sen says the move to prepare the business structures between Indian retailers and high-end global players is vital when there are strong brands. “Most foreign players are very protective about their brands and won’t allow their Indian partners access to these brands,” he said. The business model that such ventures would work on is in allowing the foreign company to own the back end in a retail venture while leaving the front end to the Indian company. In such a structure, the foreign company would have complete control over the price and packaging.
India - Sky's the Limit
In a ruling that could change the face of Mumbai, the Supreme Court has cleared the way for pulling down more than 16,000 pre-1940 buildings — including chawls — that have become dilapidated, and constructing modern high-rises in their places. The ruling has devised a win-win formula according to which people who occupied the old tenements will be given, free of cost, flats of the same size in brand new buildings. Other flats in the building can be sold by the builder, who has been allowed to make his money by relaxing the floor space index (FSI) to permit the construction of high-rises. Cities across the world tackle housing shortages through redevelopment and the construction of high-rises. But rules governing land use remain archaic in Indian cities. That includes FSIs that are low by international standards, inhibiting the construction of high-rises. Coupled with other restrictive legislations that hobble the real estate sector, the net effect is acute housing shortages and the proliferation of slums. Even among Indian cities Mumbai is a byword when it comes to housing shortage or lack of commercial office space. Inability to resolve the former means that the city offers a poor living standard to its residents. And unless it can tackle the latter it can bid goodbye to its dreams of becoming a global financial hub. The boost in public morale from shifting millions of people from slum tenements to pucca houses cannot be overestimated. It compares only to the sense of well-being that can come from advances in education or public health. But the same story of housing and infrastructure shortage plays out across most Indian cities. High-rises are restricted across large parts of New Delhi, leading to soaring property prices and the lack of commercial space. The rationale for restricting high-rises is that they strain municipal services unduly. But since they don't in other parts of the world, that points only to the infirmity of Indian cities in providing basic services such as water, sewage and transport. Rains routinely cripple cities like Mumbai, Delhi and Kolkata because municipal authorities aren't doing their job. The proper solution isn't downgrading FSI but upgrading municipal services, which ought to be outsourced to private providers if public authorities can't come up to the mark. Studies should be made into what makes great cities across the world tick in terms of zoning laws, land use regulations, operation of municipal services, permitted FSIs and the aesthetics of urban architecture. Similar norms should be put in place to give rise to world-class cities in India.
Fun - Greek postmen win oddest book title
LONDON: 'Greek Rural Postmen and Their Cancellation Numbers' benefited from a late surge in public support to win the title of oddest book title of the past 30 years, the Bookseller magazine said. The book, which is a comprehensive record of Greek postal routes by Derek Willan, grabbed 13% of the 1,000 international public votes cast to chose the oddest title from the winners of the annual competition that began in 1978. It beat 'People Who Don't Know They're Dead' and 'How To Avoid Huge Ships' into second and third places with 11 and 10% votes respectively. "The posties pulled off a real shock here. The pre-tournament favorite was the prize's first ever recipient - 'Proceedings of the Second International Workshop on Nude Mice,' said Horace Bent, custodian of the annual Diagram prize. "Right from the off, it was Gary Leon Hill's 'People Who Don't Know They're Dead' that set the pace. It topped the polls for over three weeks," he added. Another early favorite 'How To Bombproof Your Horse' also failed to feature in the final count. The prize was dreamed up initially at the 1978 Frankfurt Book Fair as a way of avoiding boredom. It has since become an annual star. This year's winner was 'If You Want Closure in Your Relationship, Start With Your Legs.'
Personality - Sanjaya Baru (G.Read)
Me - I wish i had this job ;-)
Why would anyone give up a job so close to the centre of power and opt for the quieter confines of academia? Well, this is exactly what Sanjaya Baru, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s former media adviser, did when he opted for Singapore, where he has taken up a teaching assignment. He doesn’t see this move as a surprise, given his background. “This is not the first time in my life that I have got off a train to sit on the platform,” he says.
“I left the Times of India in 1997 to spend a couple of years at a research institute in Delhi. That came after eight exciting years in the media. For an economic journalist like me, the period 1990-97 was most exciting. Those were the years of crisis and reform and so much else. I took time off between 1998 and 2000 to read and write. A book came out of that period.” Baru returned to the media in 2000 and then went into government in 2004. He believes that being in the media or in the Prime Minister’s Office is like being on a fast train. “You get from one station to another pretty fast. Things are moving all the time. There are a lot of people who come and go in and out of your professional life. There is really very little time for reflection. Getting off a train and sitting on the platform, just watching all the other commuters and all those other people moving around changes your perspective. It allows you time to reflect.”
“This is my second interregnum,” he points out, “A period of reflection and rejuvenation.” But the train journey has had its interesting moments. Working with a scholar-administrator-politician like Manmohan Singh was “an educational experience”. Singh often said that working in government is a means of securing personal education at public expense. “Working with him was doubly so,” says Baru. The four years in the PMO had their “ups and downs and moments of great excitement, and great frustration”. But when we look back objectively at this period, he believes that we will come to recognise “the great transformation of mindsets” that Singh helped bring about in the country, in the government and in his own party. His stint at the PMO also made Baru more patient and less talkative. He would not have had the courage to make this change had it not been for the support of his family, wife Rama, a reputed academic, and daughter Tanvika, who has relocated to study in Singapore.
So what were the high points of Baru’s stint? “The first high point came within three months of my joining the PMO. This was the first national press Conference of the Prime Minister, at Vigyan Bhavan. It was the first time an Indian Prime Minister was addressing such a big event, that too with live telecast. We had over 500 journalists from India and abroad in that large hall. Dr Singh sat all alone on the huge Vigyan Bhavan dais, with no aides. He answered 50 questions over 90 minutes. Such a thing had not happened for a long, long time. I must add that when I first mooted the idea of the PM addressing such a press conference, several senior advisors of the PM cautioned me against such ‘adventurism’,” says Baru. Some felt he was not yet ready to face the media. “I was adamant and succeeded in convincing the PM. We drafted 75 ‘likely’ questions that he could be asked and he was briefed on each issue. I kept track of all the questions asked. Forty-nine out of the 50 were on our list of likely questions. Only one googly was bowled when a journalist — from Hindustan Times — asked the PM what he thought of his ‘spin doctor’.”
A second ‘high point’ was the visit of Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf to New Delhi in 2005. “Once again there was a lot of apprehension in the PMO and the ministry of external affairs about how the media would report the visit and its outcome, because of the famous Agra fiasco during the NDA’s tenure. I think the Musharraf visit to Delhi went off without a glitch.”
Given the high-pressure job that he had, Baru says that his present job as a professor is a welcome contrast. “But you never quite get journalism out of your blood,” he says. And he missed it most each morning when he saw the papers that he had to read in his role as media adviser. “I wished so often that I could have written some of those stories and editorials.”
He misses the casual chats he used to have with Singh. “I used to enjoy what I would call my gup-shup sessions with him, where we would chat about various things. Normally, the PM is not given to small talk and chit-chat. But when he got into the mood, it used to be fun just having a good gossip session with him, watching him laugh. Sometimes when he was particularly stressed his personal secretary would call me and say, “Why don’t you drop in for some gup-shup, the boss is free.” I used to say that I felt like a court jester who would be called in to amuse the king whenever the king was in a foul mood. I enjoyed that. I wonder if he misses that. I certainly do.”
Why would anyone give up a job so close to the centre of power and opt for the quieter confines of academia? Well, this is exactly what Sanjaya Baru, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s former media adviser, did when he opted for Singapore, where he has taken up a teaching assignment. He doesn’t see this move as a surprise, given his background. “This is not the first time in my life that I have got off a train to sit on the platform,” he says.
“I left the Times of India in 1997 to spend a couple of years at a research institute in Delhi. That came after eight exciting years in the media. For an economic journalist like me, the period 1990-97 was most exciting. Those were the years of crisis and reform and so much else. I took time off between 1998 and 2000 to read and write. A book came out of that period.” Baru returned to the media in 2000 and then went into government in 2004. He believes that being in the media or in the Prime Minister’s Office is like being on a fast train. “You get from one station to another pretty fast. Things are moving all the time. There are a lot of people who come and go in and out of your professional life. There is really very little time for reflection. Getting off a train and sitting on the platform, just watching all the other commuters and all those other people moving around changes your perspective. It allows you time to reflect.”
“This is my second interregnum,” he points out, “A period of reflection and rejuvenation.” But the train journey has had its interesting moments. Working with a scholar-administrator-politician like Manmohan Singh was “an educational experience”. Singh often said that working in government is a means of securing personal education at public expense. “Working with him was doubly so,” says Baru. The four years in the PMO had their “ups and downs and moments of great excitement, and great frustration”. But when we look back objectively at this period, he believes that we will come to recognise “the great transformation of mindsets” that Singh helped bring about in the country, in the government and in his own party. His stint at the PMO also made Baru more patient and less talkative. He would not have had the courage to make this change had it not been for the support of his family, wife Rama, a reputed academic, and daughter Tanvika, who has relocated to study in Singapore.
So what were the high points of Baru’s stint? “The first high point came within three months of my joining the PMO. This was the first national press Conference of the Prime Minister, at Vigyan Bhavan. It was the first time an Indian Prime Minister was addressing such a big event, that too with live telecast. We had over 500 journalists from India and abroad in that large hall. Dr Singh sat all alone on the huge Vigyan Bhavan dais, with no aides. He answered 50 questions over 90 minutes. Such a thing had not happened for a long, long time. I must add that when I first mooted the idea of the PM addressing such a press conference, several senior advisors of the PM cautioned me against such ‘adventurism’,” says Baru. Some felt he was not yet ready to face the media. “I was adamant and succeeded in convincing the PM. We drafted 75 ‘likely’ questions that he could be asked and he was briefed on each issue. I kept track of all the questions asked. Forty-nine out of the 50 were on our list of likely questions. Only one googly was bowled when a journalist — from Hindustan Times — asked the PM what he thought of his ‘spin doctor’.”
A second ‘high point’ was the visit of Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf to New Delhi in 2005. “Once again there was a lot of apprehension in the PMO and the ministry of external affairs about how the media would report the visit and its outcome, because of the famous Agra fiasco during the NDA’s tenure. I think the Musharraf visit to Delhi went off without a glitch.”
Given the high-pressure job that he had, Baru says that his present job as a professor is a welcome contrast. “But you never quite get journalism out of your blood,” he says. And he missed it most each morning when he saw the papers that he had to read in his role as media adviser. “I wished so often that I could have written some of those stories and editorials.”
He misses the casual chats he used to have with Singh. “I used to enjoy what I would call my gup-shup sessions with him, where we would chat about various things. Normally, the PM is not given to small talk and chit-chat. But when he got into the mood, it used to be fun just having a good gossip session with him, watching him laugh. Sometimes when he was particularly stressed his personal secretary would call me and say, “Why don’t you drop in for some gup-shup, the boss is free.” I used to say that I felt like a court jester who would be called in to amuse the king whenever the king was in a foul mood. I enjoyed that. I wonder if he misses that. I certainly do.”
Columnists - Barkha Dutt (V.G.Read)
Isn't it infuriating when women who probably abhor the very fundamentals of feminism suddenly embrace it in order to play victim? And isn’t it so offensive when Gender is used as the convenient and automatic justification for losing?
Watching the otherwise fascinating American elections unfold, I’m stunned by how ‘sexism’ has become a central character in the narrative. First, they argued that Hillary Clinton got booted out because she was female. Never mind her dithering, incoherent positions on Iraq; forget about the surly anger and petty control that her husband brought to the campaign and don't even mention the fact that when they thought the ‘tears’ were working, her managers pushed her into playing it even ‘more female’. If anything, surely that’s sexist?
But no — even the hard-nosed, bright lawyer could not resist the temptation of casting herself in the role of victim and the American people in the role of women-hating oppressors. The subtext was incredulous — Hillary’s camp was suggesting that when it came down to prejudice, being Black was more palatable to people than being Female.
Now, public focus has shifted away from Hillary to a woman deeply antithetical to her — in appearance, personality and ideology. But the charge of ‘sexism’ continues to define the political debate in America.
Anyone who heard Sarah Palin’s feisty and combative speech this week knows that the former beauty queen and hockey-mom who also hunts, is no one’s idea of a poor-little-thing. Palin cleverly positioned herself as an outsider in Washington’s charmed and powerful circle of influence. But, who is she fooling? The small-town mommy persona is entirely deliberate and crafted. With one eye firmly on Middle America, Sarah Palin made sure that the Family Postcard was on perfect display at the Republican Convention. The doting husband; the five kids, the youngest born with Down’s Syndrome; the teenage daughter who got knocked up but is going to do the ‘right thing’ by marrying her childhood sweetheart and the PTA mother-turned politician, presiding like a protective matriarch, over her brood. This, as an American commentator wrote, was Christian country ethos: hate the sin, love the sinner. As strategy goes, it is fair game and may even be the smartest move the Republicans have made so far. John McCain wanted a running mate who would rustle up a storm and he has got one. Palin’s personal history — the kid with special needs, the daughter who got pregnant — speaks to the essential fallibility of the ordinary American family. If the postcard is frayed at the edges, it’s because so is Life. To that extent, McCain may have played an ace.
The problem begins because Palin also wants pity. Scandals have begun to surface in the American media on how the Alaska Governor tried to get her brother-in-law sacked, how she was abusive on a radio-talk show, how she is married to a man who wanted to secede from America and how she really doesn’t know that much about the war in Iraq, despite having a son enrolled in the military. Others have demanded to know how she can justify the Republican policy on teaching school children sexual abstinence over using protection (Republicans do not fund education programmes that advocate birth control) when her own daughter is a living example of why that policy has been a dismal failure. But the moment the fierce public scrutiny and criticism kicked in, Palin’s supporters fell back on that tired old accusation — the Governor, they argued, was a victim of sexist bias.
For god’s sake. Even if Palin were not haunted by controversy, her ideology alone makes her antithetical to the very notion of Feminism. She believes the government should force women to bear children, even if raped. She is on record saying that the pro-life dogma should begin at home. Can this really be the ideology that heralds a new political dawn for women? As the acerbic, left-leaning columnist Katha Pollit wrote in the Nation, “McCain must think we have the collective IQ of a tampax.”
The problem with Feminism in the 21st century is precisely this. It’s got mauled and distorted into being defined by so-called ‘free choice’. If you choose to strip to the skin and make your millions that way, you are ‘liberated’. If you ‘choose’ to be a stay-at-home mom and never become financially independent, you are ‘choosing’ what your mothers were forced to do. If you want to play a born-again evangelical messiah you are not orthodox — by the new mantra of feminism, you are ballsy for saying what you think. Listen to American professor, Linda Hirshman who says caustically, “Choose to exploit your beauty; choose to exploit your brains. Reports from Alaska reflect a serious subset of Palin supporters who just like to look at her legs. Hey, there’s a leg up for future feminist candidates. Boy, everyone’s a Feminist these days.”
And here’s the question: If Hillary’s 18 million voters see a kindred spirit in Palin or an alternative to Obama, should that be branded a feminist choice or just a very stupid decision? What can Hillary’s voters and Palin’s supporters possibly have in common other than Gender? And if that is reason enough aren’t women playing to the worst stereotypes?
Back in India, we may be amused at all the fuss and the fury. But our polity isn’t free from the overweening political correctness that seeks to make potential victims of us all. We saw the first signs of this distorted debate, during the elections for the President’s office. Women in India have enough real issues to battle and real victories to savour. Let’s not get imprisoned by our Gender. Female First doesn’t have to be our motto.Barkha Dutt is Group Editor, English News, NDTV
Watching the otherwise fascinating American elections unfold, I’m stunned by how ‘sexism’ has become a central character in the narrative. First, they argued that Hillary Clinton got booted out because she was female. Never mind her dithering, incoherent positions on Iraq; forget about the surly anger and petty control that her husband brought to the campaign and don't even mention the fact that when they thought the ‘tears’ were working, her managers pushed her into playing it even ‘more female’. If anything, surely that’s sexist?
But no — even the hard-nosed, bright lawyer could not resist the temptation of casting herself in the role of victim and the American people in the role of women-hating oppressors. The subtext was incredulous — Hillary’s camp was suggesting that when it came down to prejudice, being Black was more palatable to people than being Female.
Now, public focus has shifted away from Hillary to a woman deeply antithetical to her — in appearance, personality and ideology. But the charge of ‘sexism’ continues to define the political debate in America.
Anyone who heard Sarah Palin’s feisty and combative speech this week knows that the former beauty queen and hockey-mom who also hunts, is no one’s idea of a poor-little-thing. Palin cleverly positioned herself as an outsider in Washington’s charmed and powerful circle of influence. But, who is she fooling? The small-town mommy persona is entirely deliberate and crafted. With one eye firmly on Middle America, Sarah Palin made sure that the Family Postcard was on perfect display at the Republican Convention. The doting husband; the five kids, the youngest born with Down’s Syndrome; the teenage daughter who got knocked up but is going to do the ‘right thing’ by marrying her childhood sweetheart and the PTA mother-turned politician, presiding like a protective matriarch, over her brood. This, as an American commentator wrote, was Christian country ethos: hate the sin, love the sinner. As strategy goes, it is fair game and may even be the smartest move the Republicans have made so far. John McCain wanted a running mate who would rustle up a storm and he has got one. Palin’s personal history — the kid with special needs, the daughter who got pregnant — speaks to the essential fallibility of the ordinary American family. If the postcard is frayed at the edges, it’s because so is Life. To that extent, McCain may have played an ace.
The problem begins because Palin also wants pity. Scandals have begun to surface in the American media on how the Alaska Governor tried to get her brother-in-law sacked, how she was abusive on a radio-talk show, how she is married to a man who wanted to secede from America and how she really doesn’t know that much about the war in Iraq, despite having a son enrolled in the military. Others have demanded to know how she can justify the Republican policy on teaching school children sexual abstinence over using protection (Republicans do not fund education programmes that advocate birth control) when her own daughter is a living example of why that policy has been a dismal failure. But the moment the fierce public scrutiny and criticism kicked in, Palin’s supporters fell back on that tired old accusation — the Governor, they argued, was a victim of sexist bias.
For god’s sake. Even if Palin were not haunted by controversy, her ideology alone makes her antithetical to the very notion of Feminism. She believes the government should force women to bear children, even if raped. She is on record saying that the pro-life dogma should begin at home. Can this really be the ideology that heralds a new political dawn for women? As the acerbic, left-leaning columnist Katha Pollit wrote in the Nation, “McCain must think we have the collective IQ of a tampax.”
The problem with Feminism in the 21st century is precisely this. It’s got mauled and distorted into being defined by so-called ‘free choice’. If you choose to strip to the skin and make your millions that way, you are ‘liberated’. If you ‘choose’ to be a stay-at-home mom and never become financially independent, you are ‘choosing’ what your mothers were forced to do. If you want to play a born-again evangelical messiah you are not orthodox — by the new mantra of feminism, you are ballsy for saying what you think. Listen to American professor, Linda Hirshman who says caustically, “Choose to exploit your beauty; choose to exploit your brains. Reports from Alaska reflect a serious subset of Palin supporters who just like to look at her legs. Hey, there’s a leg up for future feminist candidates. Boy, everyone’s a Feminist these days.”
And here’s the question: If Hillary’s 18 million voters see a kindred spirit in Palin or an alternative to Obama, should that be branded a feminist choice or just a very stupid decision? What can Hillary’s voters and Palin’s supporters possibly have in common other than Gender? And if that is reason enough aren’t women playing to the worst stereotypes?
Back in India, we may be amused at all the fuss and the fury. But our polity isn’t free from the overweening political correctness that seeks to make potential victims of us all. We saw the first signs of this distorted debate, during the elections for the President’s office. Women in India have enough real issues to battle and real victories to savour. Let’s not get imprisoned by our Gender. Female First doesn’t have to be our motto.Barkha Dutt is Group Editor, English News, NDTV
Lifestyle - Politicians who get up early
Buried among the more electrifying revelations about Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin is the mildly disturbing fact that she gets up at 4.30 a.m. every day. Of course in Anchorage, where Ms Palin lives and where sunrise shifts from 4.20 a.m. in summer to 10.15 a.m. in winter, alarm clock settings may be regarded as a mere matter of personal perversity.
There is, however, a marked tendency among politicians to get up way too early. Condoleezza Rice wakes up at 4.30 a.m. every day to go to the gym. George Bush is a famous early riser, but prefers to be tucked up by 9 p.m. Margaret Thatcher got by on less than five hours’ sleep a night. Gordon Brown is at his desk at six every day, and he lives above the shop. Not every politician shares this love of the vampire shift. The leader of the U.K. Opposition Conservative Party, David Cameron, recently suggested that he would be “a different sort of prime minister” and that a healthy work-life balance might include the occasional lie in. “If you immerse yourself from 5 a.m. until 11 p.m., it so affects your balance, family life, your sense of who you are,” he told the London Daily Mail, implying that by getting up early Brown was doing something foolish and vaguely evil. And John McCain has let it be known that sometimes he sleeps until 8 a.m. It’s a wonder he and his running mate have ever met.
— © Guardian Newspapers Limited, 2008
There is, however, a marked tendency among politicians to get up way too early. Condoleezza Rice wakes up at 4.30 a.m. every day to go to the gym. George Bush is a famous early riser, but prefers to be tucked up by 9 p.m. Margaret Thatcher got by on less than five hours’ sleep a night. Gordon Brown is at his desk at six every day, and he lives above the shop. Not every politician shares this love of the vampire shift. The leader of the U.K. Opposition Conservative Party, David Cameron, recently suggested that he would be “a different sort of prime minister” and that a healthy work-life balance might include the occasional lie in. “If you immerse yourself from 5 a.m. until 11 p.m., it so affects your balance, family life, your sense of who you are,” he told the London Daily Mail, implying that by getting up early Brown was doing something foolish and vaguely evil. And John McCain has let it be known that sometimes he sleeps until 8 a.m. It’s a wonder he and his running mate have ever met.
— © Guardian Newspapers Limited, 2008
India - Free trade with ASEAN
India’s new trade pact with the 10-nation group can be seen as the triumph of economic diplomacy with a political focus.
By coincidence, Singapore conferred its Honorary Citizen Award on Ratan Tata, “an exemplary business leader,” just a day after India and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) announced a trade pact in the City-State.
The trade-in-goods agreement, slated for signature by the two sides in December, will set the stage for talks on a liberalised flow of services and investments in either direction. And, while Mr. Tata had, as noted in connection with the award, “helped propel Singapore’s economy,” the City-State has remained a key prime mover on the ASEAN side for its diversified engagement with India.
Another coincidence was that Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University conferred its honorary degree of doctor of engineering on the former President, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, on the eve of announcement of the trade pact. Singapore will co-chair the ASEAN-India panel on services; and the City-State has, for long, recognised the actual and potential contributions of Indian professionals to the economic growth of Southeast Asia.
The powerful mix of such symbolism and substantive hopes is the driving force behind the ASEAN’s engagement with India in recent years.
Obviously, experts on both sides, more so in India, are keen to comb the trade pact for signs of a caving-in by one party or the other for the sake of doing the deal, which was hanging fire for nearly six years of hard parleys. The issue of relative gains and losses becomes more acute, because neither India nor the 10-state ASEAN enthusiastically described the pact, soon after it was announced, as “a win-win deal” for both. This nomenclature is important, because the win-win approach has become a standard formula for political and other negotiations in the present post-Cold War period.
Outwardly, the ASEAN will stand to gain more from this deal than India, at least to begin with. The available indications are that India has agreed to reduce, substantially and progressively, its import tariff on a few items of utmost export-importance to some key ASEAN states such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam. These items are palm oil, coffee, tea, and pepper. And, as for petroleum products, Brunei’s export lifeline, India has been equally accommodative.
Surely, the 10 ASEAN countries have also, variously, committed themselves to giving a greater market access than available now in respect of Indian exports. At stake, as a fundamental question, though, is different from the standard analysis of economic transactions. And, within the economic domain itself, the ASEAN, aware of its relative gains, does expect New Delhi to negotiate from commanding heights insofar as its exports of services are concerned. At the same time, the ASEAN has envisioned India as an investment-hungry partner. And, given the strengths of some ASEAN states in a few critical areas of infrastructure-related investments, this group, which specialises in projecting its image in larger-than-life dimensions, is eager to strike a hard bargain with India.
On balance, the latest ASEAN-India trade pact, which will create a free trade area of 1.7 billion people and $2.3 trillion Gross Domestic Product as of now, can be seen as the triumph of economic diplomacy with a political focus.
As India seeks to rise as a nation to its full potential, the importance of regional partners cannot be downplayed, regardless of the “centrality” of “friendship” of the United States as the sole global superpower of the day.
In fact, before the U.S. appeared on India’s horizon as a “potential partner,” the former Prime Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, had outlined the “Look-East policy” of developing linkages with the ASEAN and its northern neighbours. One of his reasons, in the early 1990s, was to gain for New Delhi some political and economic space in the then context of an “imploding” Soviet Union, which had, in its halcyon days, stood by India as a strategic friend in need. The ASEAN, on the other hand, was also looking at that time to widen its own circle of friends. As an economic bloc, its priority then was to try and befriend India as a potential trading partner. Yet, given the political circumstances in which the organisation was born, it was also mindful, all the time, about India’s potential role as a regional player in a neighbourhood dominated by China.
These aspects of recent history are no longer defined by the interlude of deep misgivings on the part of some ASEAN states over India’s nuclear tests in 1998. This relative new reality can be traced to the fact that the group itself is growing up, at a slow pace, as a strategically savvy outfit as well. It has indeed begun, in more recent years, to try and position itself as the nucleus of the political universe in East Asia. Uncertain future
The ASEAN’s future in this respect remains uncertain. However, the outfit has, by and large, managed to project itself as a regional force that would pose no threat to the big powers in the political domain and would, instead, provide them with opportunities in the economic sphere. To a large extent, it was this reasoning that helped the group to clinch a major trade pact with China. The accord was, of course, the first of its kind. Authoritative Chinese sources have told this correspondent that Beijing, in doing this deal with the ASEAN, felt the need to opt for a political call, as different from a total judgment on the basis of exclusively economic reasons. This does not mean that China’s mega economy cannot absorb the impact of a trade accord with a neighbouring group of small countries and a few middle-power-aspirants.
The political lustre of a trade pact with the ASEAN having become irresistible, following China’s example, India has finally decided to follow suit. This does not mean that India’s economic interests will not be served by this deal. However, as a dialogue partner of this group in the East Asian Summit and as a player eying high stakes, as evident in the current debate on India in the Nuclear Suppliers Group, New Delhi’s political choice becomes explicit.
By coincidence, Singapore conferred its Honorary Citizen Award on Ratan Tata, “an exemplary business leader,” just a day after India and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) announced a trade pact in the City-State.
The trade-in-goods agreement, slated for signature by the two sides in December, will set the stage for talks on a liberalised flow of services and investments in either direction. And, while Mr. Tata had, as noted in connection with the award, “helped propel Singapore’s economy,” the City-State has remained a key prime mover on the ASEAN side for its diversified engagement with India.
Another coincidence was that Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University conferred its honorary degree of doctor of engineering on the former President, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, on the eve of announcement of the trade pact. Singapore will co-chair the ASEAN-India panel on services; and the City-State has, for long, recognised the actual and potential contributions of Indian professionals to the economic growth of Southeast Asia.
The powerful mix of such symbolism and substantive hopes is the driving force behind the ASEAN’s engagement with India in recent years.
Obviously, experts on both sides, more so in India, are keen to comb the trade pact for signs of a caving-in by one party or the other for the sake of doing the deal, which was hanging fire for nearly six years of hard parleys. The issue of relative gains and losses becomes more acute, because neither India nor the 10-state ASEAN enthusiastically described the pact, soon after it was announced, as “a win-win deal” for both. This nomenclature is important, because the win-win approach has become a standard formula for political and other negotiations in the present post-Cold War period.
Outwardly, the ASEAN will stand to gain more from this deal than India, at least to begin with. The available indications are that India has agreed to reduce, substantially and progressively, its import tariff on a few items of utmost export-importance to some key ASEAN states such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam. These items are palm oil, coffee, tea, and pepper. And, as for petroleum products, Brunei’s export lifeline, India has been equally accommodative.
Surely, the 10 ASEAN countries have also, variously, committed themselves to giving a greater market access than available now in respect of Indian exports. At stake, as a fundamental question, though, is different from the standard analysis of economic transactions. And, within the economic domain itself, the ASEAN, aware of its relative gains, does expect New Delhi to negotiate from commanding heights insofar as its exports of services are concerned. At the same time, the ASEAN has envisioned India as an investment-hungry partner. And, given the strengths of some ASEAN states in a few critical areas of infrastructure-related investments, this group, which specialises in projecting its image in larger-than-life dimensions, is eager to strike a hard bargain with India.
On balance, the latest ASEAN-India trade pact, which will create a free trade area of 1.7 billion people and $2.3 trillion Gross Domestic Product as of now, can be seen as the triumph of economic diplomacy with a political focus.
As India seeks to rise as a nation to its full potential, the importance of regional partners cannot be downplayed, regardless of the “centrality” of “friendship” of the United States as the sole global superpower of the day.
In fact, before the U.S. appeared on India’s horizon as a “potential partner,” the former Prime Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, had outlined the “Look-East policy” of developing linkages with the ASEAN and its northern neighbours. One of his reasons, in the early 1990s, was to gain for New Delhi some political and economic space in the then context of an “imploding” Soviet Union, which had, in its halcyon days, stood by India as a strategic friend in need. The ASEAN, on the other hand, was also looking at that time to widen its own circle of friends. As an economic bloc, its priority then was to try and befriend India as a potential trading partner. Yet, given the political circumstances in which the organisation was born, it was also mindful, all the time, about India’s potential role as a regional player in a neighbourhood dominated by China.
These aspects of recent history are no longer defined by the interlude of deep misgivings on the part of some ASEAN states over India’s nuclear tests in 1998. This relative new reality can be traced to the fact that the group itself is growing up, at a slow pace, as a strategically savvy outfit as well. It has indeed begun, in more recent years, to try and position itself as the nucleus of the political universe in East Asia. Uncertain future
The ASEAN’s future in this respect remains uncertain. However, the outfit has, by and large, managed to project itself as a regional force that would pose no threat to the big powers in the political domain and would, instead, provide them with opportunities in the economic sphere. To a large extent, it was this reasoning that helped the group to clinch a major trade pact with China. The accord was, of course, the first of its kind. Authoritative Chinese sources have told this correspondent that Beijing, in doing this deal with the ASEAN, felt the need to opt for a political call, as different from a total judgment on the basis of exclusively economic reasons. This does not mean that China’s mega economy cannot absorb the impact of a trade accord with a neighbouring group of small countries and a few middle-power-aspirants.
The political lustre of a trade pact with the ASEAN having become irresistible, following China’s example, India has finally decided to follow suit. This does not mean that India’s economic interests will not be served by this deal. However, as a dialogue partner of this group in the East Asian Summit and as a player eying high stakes, as evident in the current debate on India in the Nuclear Suppliers Group, New Delhi’s political choice becomes explicit.
Columnists - Siddharth Varadharajan
Whatever the American strategic objectives, the Indian origins of the Indo-U.S. nuclear agreement are in Tarapur. If that U.S.-supplied reactor marked the beginning of India’s quest for a commercially viable civilian nuclear programme, the subsequent denials of low-enriched uranium for TAPS and reprocessing consent for its accumulated spent fuel are equally a part of the programme’s foundational narrative. Following the Pokhran test of 1974, the U.S. unilaterally abrogated its nuclear agreement with India. Thanks to France and Russia, fuel for Tarapur was always found but it was out of a desire to end the supply uncertainty once and for all that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh began his nuclear engagement with Washington.
The text which emerged on July 18, 2005, went beyond merely envisaging LEU for Tarapur: the U.S. committed itself to ensuring full civil nuclear cooperation with India at the national and global level. As the deal moved through each subsequent stage, Indian negotiators were driven to find ways of insulating the country from a repeat of the Tarapur experience. If billions of dollars were to be invested in new reactors, India had to insulate itself from the possibility of fuel supply disruptions no matter what the cause. From the March 2, 2006 Bush-Manmohan joint statement (M2) onwards, therefore, fuel supply assurances have been a pivotal part of the deal. Regardless of what the American side believed or wished, neither M2 nor the 123 Agreement of July 2007 qualified the circumstances under which these multiple layers of fuel supply assurances would kick in.
These layers of protection consist, inter alia, of U.S. support for an Indian strategic reserve of nuclear fuel, and the pursuit, in tandem with Russia, France and Britain of “such measures as would restore fuel supply to India” in the event of disruption. The last layer of protection was India’s right to take “corrective measures” when all else fails. These U.S. commitments were an essential building block of the legal edifice which followed, including the IAEA safeguards agreement.
It is significant that paragraph 5.6 of the ‘123’– which repeats verbatim the M2 fuel supply assurances — provides no scope for derogation from these commitments by either party, even after termination of the agreement. Just as Washington expects India’s commitment to safeguard U.S.-origin or obligated equipment and fuel to outlive termination of the agreement, the U.S. commitment on fuel is linked to the life of the reactors and does not lapse upon termination for whatever reason.
If there is no derogation, there is no qualification either. Para 5.6 (b) begins with the sentence: “To further guard against any disruption of fuel supplies, the U.S. is prepared to take the following additional steps.” The meaning of ‘any’ is unambiguous. Thus, the agreement covers all disruptions regardless of cause. It certainly does not speak of different types of disruptions, let alone rule out disruptions caused by specific actions by India such as a nuclear detonation, a phrase which does not figure in the text of the 123.
The most shocking aspect of the Bush administration’s answers to the House Foreign Relations Committee (HFRC) is not its known stand on termination of cooperation in the event of a test but the repudiation of the U.S. commitment to these fuel supply assurances. The answers were provided to the HFRC in January and kept under wraps at the request of the State Department. The reason for this secrecy lies in the contents, which make it clear the U.S. has no intention of honouring the 123 agreement, is unilaterally pushing for changes in it and had actually negotiated the text in bad faith.Assurances abrogated
In its replies to the HFRC, the State Department undermines the sanctity of the fuel supply assurances in six ways. First, it refuses to consider the assurances in M2 to be of a binding legal character, calling them instead “important Presidential commitments” that the U.S. will uphold only to the extent they are “consistent with U.S. law.” This answer sets the stage for wriggling out of M2 once the 123 agreement — which gives legal expression to these — is terminated.
Secondly, it arbitrarily restricts the meaning of “disruption of supply” in Article 5.6 of the 123 Agreement by saying this “is meant to refer to disruptions in supply to India that may result through no fault of its own” such as a “trade war resulting in the cut-off of supply; market disruptions in the global supply of fuel,” etc.
Thirdly, it adds insult to injury by falsely asserting, in the same answer: “We believe the Indian government shares our understanding of this provision.” It is surprising that this assertion has gone unchallenged by the Indian government.
Fourthly, in answer to a question about the status of fuel supply assurances in the event of a Indian nuclear test, the letter unilaterally asserts that “the commitments in Article 5.6 would no longer apply” because a test would give the U.S. the right to terminate the agreement on a year’s notice.
Fifthly, the letter serves notice of the U.S. intention to implement the so-called ‘non-binding’ clause of the Hyde Act (Section 103(a)(6)), which says it shall be U.S. policy to seek to prevent the transfer of nuclear material to India from other sources should American nuclear transfers be suspended or terminated. By ignoring President Bush’s “signing statement” of December 2006 in which he had said he would treat this clause of Hyde as “advisory” and not binding, the State Department opens the possibility of the U.S. actively working to deny access to fuel from elsewhere in the event of a disruption following a nuclear detonation by India.
Sixthly and finally, although the State Department acknowledges the 123 agreement does not establish a minimum or maximum quantity of nuclear fuel to be placed in India’s strategic reserve, it warns that the parameters of the reserve “will be developed over time.” It also says it is “premature to conclude the strategic reserve will develop in a manner inconsistent with the Hyde Act,” which specifies a stockpile based only on the “reasonable operating requirements” of Indian reactors.
Taken together, it is clear that while India sees the 123 as establishing clear rights and legally binding obligations as far as future fuel supplies are concerned, the U.S. emphasises the political contingency of the arrangement. Indeed, in its answer to Question 17, it says the fuel commitments are not legally binding but based on the U.S.-India initiative’s “political underpinnings.”
Far from slaying the ghosts of Tarapur, the spectre of fuel denial and arbitrary abrogation of commitments has again raised its ugly head. This time around, the situation is potentially far worse because India is thinking of importing billions of dollars of equipment and the conditions under which the U.S. can terminate the agreement are open-ended. In one stroke, the U.S. has slashed away the layers of fuel protection India has built and reduced it to just one: strategic reserve. And even on that, the final word has yet to come.
As for that other ghost of Tarapur — denial of reprocessing — the State Department’s letter warns that the consent rights contained in the 123 will not be “permanent” and can also be terminated by the U.S. It asserts that a provision to this effect will be incorporated in the yet-to-be negotiated “arrangements and procedures.” Leaving aside the fact that Article 14(9) requires both parties to define the “exceptional circumstances” under which consent rights can be suspended, and this has not yet been done, the answer is another warning that India needs to take seriously.
Was the release of the letter on the eve of the NSG meeting an act of unilateral disclosure by the HFRC’s Howard Berman or a bilateral provocation by Berman and nonproliferationists in the State Department to ensure the NSG does not approve terms more favourable than what the U.S. has accorded India? Certainly, State had known for two weeks that its letter was to be made public on that day. But the sin lies not in the timing of the disclosure but the contents. The answers show there is such a huge gap between the Indian and American perception of the 123’s provisions that no rational decision maker in India can afford to buy any nuclear equipment from the U.S. without first resolving these differences.
The only insurance left in India’s hand if the Americans push their interpretation on fuel supply assurances is to build a strategic reserve (of non-American fuel) to guard against supply disruptions caused by U.S.-led sanctions. Even if the NSG were eventually to approve a waiver for India, the bilateral aspect of the U.S.-India nuclear agreement is more or less dead. Buying reactors whose fuel supply may be uncertain and whose spent fuel India may be eventually barred from reprocessing would be folly of the highest magnitude. India does not need to conduct a nuclear test and should not do so either. But these are sovereign decisions the country must take in an atmosphere free from pressure and the threat of sanctions.
The text which emerged on July 18, 2005, went beyond merely envisaging LEU for Tarapur: the U.S. committed itself to ensuring full civil nuclear cooperation with India at the national and global level. As the deal moved through each subsequent stage, Indian negotiators were driven to find ways of insulating the country from a repeat of the Tarapur experience. If billions of dollars were to be invested in new reactors, India had to insulate itself from the possibility of fuel supply disruptions no matter what the cause. From the March 2, 2006 Bush-Manmohan joint statement (M2) onwards, therefore, fuel supply assurances have been a pivotal part of the deal. Regardless of what the American side believed or wished, neither M2 nor the 123 Agreement of July 2007 qualified the circumstances under which these multiple layers of fuel supply assurances would kick in.
These layers of protection consist, inter alia, of U.S. support for an Indian strategic reserve of nuclear fuel, and the pursuit, in tandem with Russia, France and Britain of “such measures as would restore fuel supply to India” in the event of disruption. The last layer of protection was India’s right to take “corrective measures” when all else fails. These U.S. commitments were an essential building block of the legal edifice which followed, including the IAEA safeguards agreement.
It is significant that paragraph 5.6 of the ‘123’– which repeats verbatim the M2 fuel supply assurances — provides no scope for derogation from these commitments by either party, even after termination of the agreement. Just as Washington expects India’s commitment to safeguard U.S.-origin or obligated equipment and fuel to outlive termination of the agreement, the U.S. commitment on fuel is linked to the life of the reactors and does not lapse upon termination for whatever reason.
If there is no derogation, there is no qualification either. Para 5.6 (b) begins with the sentence: “To further guard against any disruption of fuel supplies, the U.S. is prepared to take the following additional steps.” The meaning of ‘any’ is unambiguous. Thus, the agreement covers all disruptions regardless of cause. It certainly does not speak of different types of disruptions, let alone rule out disruptions caused by specific actions by India such as a nuclear detonation, a phrase which does not figure in the text of the 123.
The most shocking aspect of the Bush administration’s answers to the House Foreign Relations Committee (HFRC) is not its known stand on termination of cooperation in the event of a test but the repudiation of the U.S. commitment to these fuel supply assurances. The answers were provided to the HFRC in January and kept under wraps at the request of the State Department. The reason for this secrecy lies in the contents, which make it clear the U.S. has no intention of honouring the 123 agreement, is unilaterally pushing for changes in it and had actually negotiated the text in bad faith.Assurances abrogated
In its replies to the HFRC, the State Department undermines the sanctity of the fuel supply assurances in six ways. First, it refuses to consider the assurances in M2 to be of a binding legal character, calling them instead “important Presidential commitments” that the U.S. will uphold only to the extent they are “consistent with U.S. law.” This answer sets the stage for wriggling out of M2 once the 123 agreement — which gives legal expression to these — is terminated.
Secondly, it arbitrarily restricts the meaning of “disruption of supply” in Article 5.6 of the 123 Agreement by saying this “is meant to refer to disruptions in supply to India that may result through no fault of its own” such as a “trade war resulting in the cut-off of supply; market disruptions in the global supply of fuel,” etc.
Thirdly, it adds insult to injury by falsely asserting, in the same answer: “We believe the Indian government shares our understanding of this provision.” It is surprising that this assertion has gone unchallenged by the Indian government.
Fourthly, in answer to a question about the status of fuel supply assurances in the event of a Indian nuclear test, the letter unilaterally asserts that “the commitments in Article 5.6 would no longer apply” because a test would give the U.S. the right to terminate the agreement on a year’s notice.
Fifthly, the letter serves notice of the U.S. intention to implement the so-called ‘non-binding’ clause of the Hyde Act (Section 103(a)(6)), which says it shall be U.S. policy to seek to prevent the transfer of nuclear material to India from other sources should American nuclear transfers be suspended or terminated. By ignoring President Bush’s “signing statement” of December 2006 in which he had said he would treat this clause of Hyde as “advisory” and not binding, the State Department opens the possibility of the U.S. actively working to deny access to fuel from elsewhere in the event of a disruption following a nuclear detonation by India.
Sixthly and finally, although the State Department acknowledges the 123 agreement does not establish a minimum or maximum quantity of nuclear fuel to be placed in India’s strategic reserve, it warns that the parameters of the reserve “will be developed over time.” It also says it is “premature to conclude the strategic reserve will develop in a manner inconsistent with the Hyde Act,” which specifies a stockpile based only on the “reasonable operating requirements” of Indian reactors.
Taken together, it is clear that while India sees the 123 as establishing clear rights and legally binding obligations as far as future fuel supplies are concerned, the U.S. emphasises the political contingency of the arrangement. Indeed, in its answer to Question 17, it says the fuel commitments are not legally binding but based on the U.S.-India initiative’s “political underpinnings.”
Far from slaying the ghosts of Tarapur, the spectre of fuel denial and arbitrary abrogation of commitments has again raised its ugly head. This time around, the situation is potentially far worse because India is thinking of importing billions of dollars of equipment and the conditions under which the U.S. can terminate the agreement are open-ended. In one stroke, the U.S. has slashed away the layers of fuel protection India has built and reduced it to just one: strategic reserve. And even on that, the final word has yet to come.
As for that other ghost of Tarapur — denial of reprocessing — the State Department’s letter warns that the consent rights contained in the 123 will not be “permanent” and can also be terminated by the U.S. It asserts that a provision to this effect will be incorporated in the yet-to-be negotiated “arrangements and procedures.” Leaving aside the fact that Article 14(9) requires both parties to define the “exceptional circumstances” under which consent rights can be suspended, and this has not yet been done, the answer is another warning that India needs to take seriously.
Was the release of the letter on the eve of the NSG meeting an act of unilateral disclosure by the HFRC’s Howard Berman or a bilateral provocation by Berman and nonproliferationists in the State Department to ensure the NSG does not approve terms more favourable than what the U.S. has accorded India? Certainly, State had known for two weeks that its letter was to be made public on that day. But the sin lies not in the timing of the disclosure but the contents. The answers show there is such a huge gap between the Indian and American perception of the 123’s provisions that no rational decision maker in India can afford to buy any nuclear equipment from the U.S. without first resolving these differences.
The only insurance left in India’s hand if the Americans push their interpretation on fuel supply assurances is to build a strategic reserve (of non-American fuel) to guard against supply disruptions caused by U.S.-led sanctions. Even if the NSG were eventually to approve a waiver for India, the bilateral aspect of the U.S.-India nuclear agreement is more or less dead. Buying reactors whose fuel supply may be uncertain and whose spent fuel India may be eventually barred from reprocessing would be folly of the highest magnitude. India does not need to conduct a nuclear test and should not do so either. But these are sovereign decisions the country must take in an atmosphere free from pressure and the threat of sanctions.
India - Kashmir;Is secession the answer?
It would be foolish to argue that the secession of a people is ruled out forever.It would be equally foolish to choose secession without a careful thought of the larger ramifications.
The protests and violence in Jammu and Kashmir have once again raised the issue of the State’s secession from India. While the Amarnath shrine dispute is clearly the trigger for the secessionist calls in the Valley, the agitation there seems to be part of a deeper malaise.
Recognising this, a body of opinion outside Kashmir argues that it is probably time to let the State go. A sense of fatigue over Kashmir and a feeling of discomfort over compelling people to stay within the Indian Union when they want to leave are evident in these arguments. This is understandable: it has been 20 long years of conflict and pain; and it is discomfiting to think that we are holding a people within a community when they are unhappy.
However, secession is never simply a choice internal to the community seeking it because the consequences may well be felt in the larger community from which it is separating and in the international community which it seeks to join. This does not mean that secession is ruled out forever. There are times when it may well be necessary.
Under what circumstances can (or should) a people secede? Political theorists argue that in the face of genocidal violence, a people has a right to secede. They also suggest that massive discrimination and denial of human rights are grounds for secession. But is Kashmir an instance of genocide, discrimination, and egregious human rights abuses?
Have Indian actions in Kashmir amounted to genocidal violence? There has certainly been violence in the Valley, by both the militants and the agencies of the Indian state. While it is true that there has been provocation from the militants and, on occasion, from protesters, there is no avoiding the conclusion that innocents have been illegally detained, there have been rape and pillage, there has been torture, there are people missing, and there are those who have died in faked encounters. Does this amount, though, to genocide? The roll-call of abuses is a melancholic one, but it is not genocide — either in intent or in practice. The Indian government has not sought the extermination of the Kashmiri people whatever its motives and actions over the past 20 years.
Can the government be accused of massively discriminating against them? It would be hard to show that this is the case. If anything, it is the opposite. Article 370 of the Constitution gives the State special rights and privileges. Kashmir has its own Constitution, the only State to have one. No Central law can apply there without the assent of the State legislature. Indians from other States cannot own property in Kashmir (there are other States in the Union where this is true). The Union government’s responsibilities are restricted to foreign policy, defence, and communications. It is true that New Delhi has fiddled with Article 370 or at least with the spirit of it, but it would be an exaggeration to say this amounts to a case for secession.Economically better placed
Economically, Kashmir is better placed than most other States. It has amongst the lowest levels of poverty. It gets more per capita transfers from the Central government than virtually any other State. One might argue that it could have done better economically; but so could have many other States. The development problems of Kashmir — poverty, lack of education, bad infrastructure, not enough industrialisation and private investment, poor governance, and rampant corruption — are hardly unique to the State. These cannot be attributed to a policy of government vindictiveness.
Human rights violations might be a ground for secession even if discrimination is not. Indian government agencies have a lot to answer for, as noted above. But are their actions a case for secession though? If the government made no attempt to improve its record and if it is true that the Indian political system is without resources and methods to improve its approach to Kashmir, then the case for secession would be strengthened.
Once again, it would be hard to show that the Indian government has been unwilling to rein in its agencies and make restitution for earlier lapses and mistakes. It has prosecuted some members of the police and armed forces who committed human rights excesses. It has got rid of two draconian laws, TADA and POTA, which gave the authorities the power to detain and hold citizens preventively (although there are special powers in place that have not been dismantled).
New Delhi has also tried to educate the army and para-military forces on human rights conduct. Crucially, despite its earlier electoral record of manipulation, the Indian government has held free and fair elections in the State, and the media continue to report on Kashmir, including the excesses of the government. This is not a brilliant record, but it does suggest that the system can be made more accountable.
Even if the government’s record does not justify the case for secession, we might still support the separation if it is shown that those who claim to lead or might come to lead the independent state are representative and responsible agents who would make life better for Kashmiris.
The All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), which claims to represent Kashmiri opinion and which might lead an independent Kashmir, has never been tested electorally, principally because it has chosen not to contest. While it is a coalition of parties, there are parties which are members of the APHC and which do not necessarily support secession. The militants, who are fighting for secession, are even more unknown; evidently, they are more feared than loved. Finally, whatever support the APHC and the militants enjoy in the Valley, their base in Jammu and Ladakh is much smaller.How representative?
How confidently can we say the APHC and the militants would be better than the present dispensation in giving Kashmir democracy and good governance? Would there be a constitutional government, elections, an independent judiciary, an active media, and public debate? Would religious and ethnic minorities be protected?
The APHC has been remarkably coy about its political values and preferences, so it is hard to tell how respectful it is of democracy. It is ridden with internal conflicts and has displayed little coherence. Perhaps, as a result, it has failed to articulate a cogent view of politics in an independent Kashmir. As for the militants, they have attacked not only the agencies of the Indian government but also unarmed civilians, Muslim and Hindu, with great regularity. Violence against unarmed people is terrorism pure and simple and is surely not encouraging in terms of the political values of these groups. The rising influence of fundamentalist Islam in the Valley also does not augur well for a democratic, pluralist, and open Kashmir.
Before we countenance secession, let us also ask whether or not the geopolitical setting of an independent state would be conducive to independence. Kashmir would be surrounded by three regional powers, two of which are mega states, India and China, and the third is Pakistan, the eighth biggest country in the world in population terms. All three will have claims to Kashmiri territory and allegiance, and will exert enormous pressures on the state in their own strategic interests. That Kashmir is landlocked will not help. Whatever the rights of landlocked states and upper riparians under the international law, Kashmir will be dependent on the goodwill of India and Pakistan, if not China.
Secession is not simply a choice that a community makes of its own free will. Since the effects of secession may be felt far and wide, the international community has a right to bear on the issue. It has a right to ask if the new government will be stable and well organised and capable of preserving its independence. It must also ask whether the effects of secessionism are, on the whole, positive for those near and far. Secession from India could well have calamitous effects within India and Pakistan and on their mutual relations: the fragility of these states and their relationship makes it almost certain that the independence of Kashmir will lead to massive political convulsions. The effects of Kashmiri secession may not be restricted to South Asia. It may flame Islamic militants all over the world. And it could energise separatists well beyond the region.
Kashmiris in the Valley and Indians outside the Valley must consider these issues before accepting the case for secession. It would be foolish to argue that the secession of a people is ruled out forever. It would be equally foolish to choose secession without a careful thought of the larger ramifications.
(The author writes on foreign policy and security issues.)
The protests and violence in Jammu and Kashmir have once again raised the issue of the State’s secession from India. While the Amarnath shrine dispute is clearly the trigger for the secessionist calls in the Valley, the agitation there seems to be part of a deeper malaise.
Recognising this, a body of opinion outside Kashmir argues that it is probably time to let the State go. A sense of fatigue over Kashmir and a feeling of discomfort over compelling people to stay within the Indian Union when they want to leave are evident in these arguments. This is understandable: it has been 20 long years of conflict and pain; and it is discomfiting to think that we are holding a people within a community when they are unhappy.
However, secession is never simply a choice internal to the community seeking it because the consequences may well be felt in the larger community from which it is separating and in the international community which it seeks to join. This does not mean that secession is ruled out forever. There are times when it may well be necessary.
Under what circumstances can (or should) a people secede? Political theorists argue that in the face of genocidal violence, a people has a right to secede. They also suggest that massive discrimination and denial of human rights are grounds for secession. But is Kashmir an instance of genocide, discrimination, and egregious human rights abuses?
Have Indian actions in Kashmir amounted to genocidal violence? There has certainly been violence in the Valley, by both the militants and the agencies of the Indian state. While it is true that there has been provocation from the militants and, on occasion, from protesters, there is no avoiding the conclusion that innocents have been illegally detained, there have been rape and pillage, there has been torture, there are people missing, and there are those who have died in faked encounters. Does this amount, though, to genocide? The roll-call of abuses is a melancholic one, but it is not genocide — either in intent or in practice. The Indian government has not sought the extermination of the Kashmiri people whatever its motives and actions over the past 20 years.
Can the government be accused of massively discriminating against them? It would be hard to show that this is the case. If anything, it is the opposite. Article 370 of the Constitution gives the State special rights and privileges. Kashmir has its own Constitution, the only State to have one. No Central law can apply there without the assent of the State legislature. Indians from other States cannot own property in Kashmir (there are other States in the Union where this is true). The Union government’s responsibilities are restricted to foreign policy, defence, and communications. It is true that New Delhi has fiddled with Article 370 or at least with the spirit of it, but it would be an exaggeration to say this amounts to a case for secession.Economically better placed
Economically, Kashmir is better placed than most other States. It has amongst the lowest levels of poverty. It gets more per capita transfers from the Central government than virtually any other State. One might argue that it could have done better economically; but so could have many other States. The development problems of Kashmir — poverty, lack of education, bad infrastructure, not enough industrialisation and private investment, poor governance, and rampant corruption — are hardly unique to the State. These cannot be attributed to a policy of government vindictiveness.
Human rights violations might be a ground for secession even if discrimination is not. Indian government agencies have a lot to answer for, as noted above. But are their actions a case for secession though? If the government made no attempt to improve its record and if it is true that the Indian political system is without resources and methods to improve its approach to Kashmir, then the case for secession would be strengthened.
Once again, it would be hard to show that the Indian government has been unwilling to rein in its agencies and make restitution for earlier lapses and mistakes. It has prosecuted some members of the police and armed forces who committed human rights excesses. It has got rid of two draconian laws, TADA and POTA, which gave the authorities the power to detain and hold citizens preventively (although there are special powers in place that have not been dismantled).
New Delhi has also tried to educate the army and para-military forces on human rights conduct. Crucially, despite its earlier electoral record of manipulation, the Indian government has held free and fair elections in the State, and the media continue to report on Kashmir, including the excesses of the government. This is not a brilliant record, but it does suggest that the system can be made more accountable.
Even if the government’s record does not justify the case for secession, we might still support the separation if it is shown that those who claim to lead or might come to lead the independent state are representative and responsible agents who would make life better for Kashmiris.
The All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), which claims to represent Kashmiri opinion and which might lead an independent Kashmir, has never been tested electorally, principally because it has chosen not to contest. While it is a coalition of parties, there are parties which are members of the APHC and which do not necessarily support secession. The militants, who are fighting for secession, are even more unknown; evidently, they are more feared than loved. Finally, whatever support the APHC and the militants enjoy in the Valley, their base in Jammu and Ladakh is much smaller.How representative?
How confidently can we say the APHC and the militants would be better than the present dispensation in giving Kashmir democracy and good governance? Would there be a constitutional government, elections, an independent judiciary, an active media, and public debate? Would religious and ethnic minorities be protected?
The APHC has been remarkably coy about its political values and preferences, so it is hard to tell how respectful it is of democracy. It is ridden with internal conflicts and has displayed little coherence. Perhaps, as a result, it has failed to articulate a cogent view of politics in an independent Kashmir. As for the militants, they have attacked not only the agencies of the Indian government but also unarmed civilians, Muslim and Hindu, with great regularity. Violence against unarmed people is terrorism pure and simple and is surely not encouraging in terms of the political values of these groups. The rising influence of fundamentalist Islam in the Valley also does not augur well for a democratic, pluralist, and open Kashmir.
Before we countenance secession, let us also ask whether or not the geopolitical setting of an independent state would be conducive to independence. Kashmir would be surrounded by three regional powers, two of which are mega states, India and China, and the third is Pakistan, the eighth biggest country in the world in population terms. All three will have claims to Kashmiri territory and allegiance, and will exert enormous pressures on the state in their own strategic interests. That Kashmir is landlocked will not help. Whatever the rights of landlocked states and upper riparians under the international law, Kashmir will be dependent on the goodwill of India and Pakistan, if not China.
Secession is not simply a choice that a community makes of its own free will. Since the effects of secession may be felt far and wide, the international community has a right to bear on the issue. It has a right to ask if the new government will be stable and well organised and capable of preserving its independence. It must also ask whether the effects of secessionism are, on the whole, positive for those near and far. Secession from India could well have calamitous effects within India and Pakistan and on their mutual relations: the fragility of these states and their relationship makes it almost certain that the independence of Kashmir will lead to massive political convulsions. The effects of Kashmiri secession may not be restricted to South Asia. It may flame Islamic militants all over the world. And it could energise separatists well beyond the region.
Kashmiris in the Valley and Indians outside the Valley must consider these issues before accepting the case for secession. It would be foolish to argue that the secession of a people is ruled out forever. It would be equally foolish to choose secession without a careful thought of the larger ramifications.
(The author writes on foreign policy and security issues.)
India - A job well done;RBI Governor
Soon after taking office in September 2003, Reserve Bank of India Governor Y.V. Reddy emphasised a judicious mix of continuity and change in the conduct of monetary policy. A second important objective was to continue with the process of demystifying the policy and thereby turn the annual statement and the three quarterly statements into “non-events”. Both these have been the defining characteristics of monetary policy over the past five years that witnessed sustained economic expansion amidst low inflation. The economy moved up to a higher growth trajectory. The average annual GDP growth rate touched 8.8 per cent and inflation remained well within tolerable limits in the first four years. Spurring growth without hampering price stability ought to be counted as a significant achievement in that period. However, the more recent challenges in the wake of the persistently high inflation are testing the resolve of policy makers. The inevitable monetary tightening has pushed up interest rates, slowing down industrial growth. While there are critics who say that the RBI has been behind the curve in fighting inflation, another view is that the monetary measures have been too harsh. Inflation might still be a monetary phenomenon but the RBI, like many other central banks, has been constrained by the fact that it is a global problem caused by the unprecedented upsurge in oil and other commodity prices.
The persisting financial sector crisis has roiled many banks and institutions in the Western markets. The fact that no Indian institution has been affected so far speaks volumes of the record of a central bank which critics have accused of being too conservative. Dr. Reddy himself would like to define his approach as calibrated. Certainly, the RBI’s measured rather than knee jerk responses have stood the country in good stead in many areas. For instance, both in the march towards capital account convertibility and financial sector reform, its step-by-step approach has been vindicated. The exchange rate policy — the rupee is on a managed float — has stood the test of time and is emulated by many countries. Dr. Reddy’s caution on the deployment of forex reserves has been proved right. Although reserves are now more than four times of what they were five years ago, recent developments suggest that they may not be stable. It is during his time that steps have been taken to foster financial inclusion and financial literacy. Perhaps Dr. Reddy’s biggest achievement as RBI Governor lies in ensuring a reasonable degree of autonomy for the central bank and in underlining the fact that fiscal profligacy is a prime factor behind inflation.
The persisting financial sector crisis has roiled many banks and institutions in the Western markets. The fact that no Indian institution has been affected so far speaks volumes of the record of a central bank which critics have accused of being too conservative. Dr. Reddy himself would like to define his approach as calibrated. Certainly, the RBI’s measured rather than knee jerk responses have stood the country in good stead in many areas. For instance, both in the march towards capital account convertibility and financial sector reform, its step-by-step approach has been vindicated. The exchange rate policy — the rupee is on a managed float — has stood the test of time and is emulated by many countries. Dr. Reddy’s caution on the deployment of forex reserves has been proved right. Although reserves are now more than four times of what they were five years ago, recent developments suggest that they may not be stable. It is during his time that steps have been taken to foster financial inclusion and financial literacy. Perhaps Dr. Reddy’s biggest achievement as RBI Governor lies in ensuring a reasonable degree of autonomy for the central bank and in underlining the fact that fiscal profligacy is a prime factor behind inflation.
Sport - Pankaj Advani decimates Geet Sethi for Crown
BANGALORE: It turned into a mid-afternoon coup. The Crown Prince usurped the throne from the King. On this ‘Teacher’s Day’ an accomplished student — Pankaj Advani — stood up to salute the packed hall at the KSBA after his 6-1 annihilation of Geet Sethi, an eight-time winner of world billiards, in the best of 11 frames final of the ONGC IBSF World billiards championship.
“This fifth World title to me is special. Though it’s just a year ago that I won the fourth at Singapore, this felt like a long time coming. And it came in the place I grew up playing the sport and in front of my home crowd,” said an elated Advani.
At 23, Advani has already amassed five world and two Asian billiards titles besides an Asian Games gold. On Friday he added his latest title, a comprehensive 150-90, 151-0, 150-24, 150-0, 86-150, 150-72, 150-12 victory over Sethi and $1,500 to go along with it.Spark of revival
There was a spark of revival from Sethi, as he did against Dervendra Joshi in the semifinals on Thursday. With an unfinished 150 in his second visit in the fifth frame, after trailing 0-4 in the first session, Sethi played really well. But it was effectively thwarted by Advani with breaks of 63 and 87 (unfinished) in the next, punishing Sethi for his slightest errors.
Both Advani and Sethi looked scrappy to start off with. The edginess and indecisiveness was apparent. But it was Advani who settled down faster.
A 79 unfinished in the first was followed by a 145 (unfinished in the second), a 90 (third) and an unfinished 150 in the fourth, off his second visit and the break was called for, much to the relief of Sethi.
After the three hour break Advani snuffed the challenge with two more big breaks — a 145 unfinished in the sixth and a 143 in the seventh to rousing applause.
Sethi, gracious in defeat, lavished praise on Advani while accepting the runner-up trophy and $700. Peter Gilchrist of Singapore pocketed $300 for the highest break of 154 unfinished that came in the league stage against Ireland’s Larry Drennan.
The results: Final (best of 11 frames): Pankaj Advani (Ind) bt Geet Sethi (Ind) 6-1 (150 (79 unf)-90, 151(145 unf)-0, 150 (90)-24, 150 (150 unf)-0, 86 (86)-150 (150 unf), 150 (63, 87)-72, 150 (143)-0.
“This fifth World title to me is special. Though it’s just a year ago that I won the fourth at Singapore, this felt like a long time coming. And it came in the place I grew up playing the sport and in front of my home crowd,” said an elated Advani.
At 23, Advani has already amassed five world and two Asian billiards titles besides an Asian Games gold. On Friday he added his latest title, a comprehensive 150-90, 151-0, 150-24, 150-0, 86-150, 150-72, 150-12 victory over Sethi and $1,500 to go along with it.Spark of revival
There was a spark of revival from Sethi, as he did against Dervendra Joshi in the semifinals on Thursday. With an unfinished 150 in his second visit in the fifth frame, after trailing 0-4 in the first session, Sethi played really well. But it was effectively thwarted by Advani with breaks of 63 and 87 (unfinished) in the next, punishing Sethi for his slightest errors.
Both Advani and Sethi looked scrappy to start off with. The edginess and indecisiveness was apparent. But it was Advani who settled down faster.
A 79 unfinished in the first was followed by a 145 (unfinished in the second), a 90 (third) and an unfinished 150 in the fourth, off his second visit and the break was called for, much to the relief of Sethi.
After the three hour break Advani snuffed the challenge with two more big breaks — a 145 unfinished in the sixth and a 143 in the seventh to rousing applause.
Sethi, gracious in defeat, lavished praise on Advani while accepting the runner-up trophy and $700. Peter Gilchrist of Singapore pocketed $300 for the highest break of 154 unfinished that came in the league stage against Ireland’s Larry Drennan.
The results: Final (best of 11 frames): Pankaj Advani (Ind) bt Geet Sethi (Ind) 6-1 (150 (79 unf)-90, 151(145 unf)-0, 150 (90)-24, 150 (150 unf)-0, 86 (86)-150 (150 unf), 150 (63, 87)-72, 150 (143)-0.
World - Zardari poised to become President
ISLAMABAD: Asif Ali Zardari, leader of the ruling Pakistan People’s Party, is set to be elected President in a vote on Saturday that holds no surprises.
Two other candidates in the election make it a three-cornered contest. The Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), which was earlier in an alliance with the PPP but is now in opposition, has put up Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui, a former Chief Justice, to underline its commitment to the restoration of judges sacked by the former President, Pervez Musharraf.
Mushahid Hussain Sayed, secretary-general of the Pakistan Muslim League (Q), is the third contender. But barring the completely unforeseen and unexpected, simple arithmetic makes Mr. Zardari the certain winner.
The indirect election is balloted by members of both of Houses of Parliament, the National Assembly and the Senate, and by members of the four provincial Assemblies.
The PPP, by virtue of its performance in the February 18 election, widely considered to be the country’s freest election in more than a decade, is the single-largest party in the National Assembly. It has a majority in the Sindh Assembly, is the single-largest party in Balochistan, the second-largest in the North-West Frontier Province and in the Punjab Assemblies. In addition, Mr. Zardari, who took over the leadership of the party after the December 2007 assassination of his wife Benazir Bhutto, has sewn up alliances with several smaller provincial parties, which will go towards guaranteeing his victory. Parliamentarians will cast their votes in a secret ballot at a joint session of the National Assembly and Senate that is to begin at 10 a.m. on Saturday.
Mr. Zardari’s ascendance to the top office continues to be dogged by controversy over his alleged corrupt ways during Benazir’s two terms in power that earned him the nickname of “Mr. 10 per cent”, one that continues to stick to him even now. In recent days, his mental capacities also came under scrutiny after it emerged that his psychiatrist had told a London court that Mr. Zardari suffered from a range of mental illnesses.
His critics have questioned his candidacy on these grounds, also pointing out that he suffers from a “trust deficit” after his failure to honour written promises made to PML(N) leader Nawaz Sharif on the restoration of the judiciary.
His supporters say the corruption charges against him were never proved, and that reports about his mental illness are a canard.
Two other candidates in the election make it a three-cornered contest. The Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), which was earlier in an alliance with the PPP but is now in opposition, has put up Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui, a former Chief Justice, to underline its commitment to the restoration of judges sacked by the former President, Pervez Musharraf.
Mushahid Hussain Sayed, secretary-general of the Pakistan Muslim League (Q), is the third contender. But barring the completely unforeseen and unexpected, simple arithmetic makes Mr. Zardari the certain winner.
The indirect election is balloted by members of both of Houses of Parliament, the National Assembly and the Senate, and by members of the four provincial Assemblies.
The PPP, by virtue of its performance in the February 18 election, widely considered to be the country’s freest election in more than a decade, is the single-largest party in the National Assembly. It has a majority in the Sindh Assembly, is the single-largest party in Balochistan, the second-largest in the North-West Frontier Province and in the Punjab Assemblies. In addition, Mr. Zardari, who took over the leadership of the party after the December 2007 assassination of his wife Benazir Bhutto, has sewn up alliances with several smaller provincial parties, which will go towards guaranteeing his victory. Parliamentarians will cast their votes in a secret ballot at a joint session of the National Assembly and Senate that is to begin at 10 a.m. on Saturday.
Mr. Zardari’s ascendance to the top office continues to be dogged by controversy over his alleged corrupt ways during Benazir’s two terms in power that earned him the nickname of “Mr. 10 per cent”, one that continues to stick to him even now. In recent days, his mental capacities also came under scrutiny after it emerged that his psychiatrist had told a London court that Mr. Zardari suffered from a range of mental illnesses.
His critics have questioned his candidacy on these grounds, also pointing out that he suffers from a “trust deficit” after his failure to honour written promises made to PML(N) leader Nawaz Sharif on the restoration of the judiciary.
His supporters say the corruption charges against him were never proved, and that reports about his mental illness are a canard.
India - Soon,11 Storey parking spot in Mumbai
MUMBAI: The ordeal of searching for a parking space in the busy areas of Vashi could substantially lighten once the Navi Mumbai Municipal Corporation’s (NMMC) latest plans are completed. The NMMC is planning to have multi-level car parks at Sector 17 as well as near the Vashi Civic Hospital. Seven mechanised car parks have been planned and tenders for them were floated earlier this week. The facilities are expected to be ready in a year. Five of the multi-level lots will follow the tower system and two the puzzle system. In the tower system, a lift ferries cars to a height and parks them. In the puzzle system, which has more breadth than height, cars are fitted into various vacant slots. Sector 17 will have two 11-storey tower car parks accommodating 22 cars each and a three-level puzzle park for 43 cars. Near Vashi Civic Hospital, there will be three 11-storey towers accommodating 22 cars each and a seven-storey puzzle car park for 110 cars. A total of 263 cars will be parked this way. NMMC executive engineer Jaswant Mistry confirmed that tenders have been floated for the lots. Mistry said that when Cidco planned Navi Mumbai, it had estimated a certain volume of traffic for Vashi. “But the area is undergoing expansion and the existing space is not enough for people who come in cars. The mechanised car parks will reduce the load considerably,’’ he said. The project will cost around Rs 10.96 crore. The company constructing the lots will operate them for a year and then hand them over to a pay-and-park firm. NMMC commissioner V S Nahata said the civic body plans to replicate the project in other areas later. Mistry said the NMMC has requested Cidco to hand over the pay-and-park space outside Vashi railway station for a multi-level lot. Another lot is planned at Sector 19, near the Arneja corner. Multi-level lots are being seen as the answer to the parking space crunch. BMC chief Jairaj Phatak said Mumbai too is on the bandwagon. “We have one being constructed at Breach Candy and many more will come up,’’ he said. The NMMC is also planning a three-level basement lot beneath the garden at Sector 17. “We have appointed a consultant for the project and will apply for aid under the JNNURM soon. The garden can be used after we complete the car park,’’ said Mistry
Sport - Nadal,Federer eye Slam final rematch
Rafael Nadal and Roger Federer are on the verge of a third consecutive Grand Slam title showdown but the world's other two top tennis players are intent on changing the plot for the US Open final.
Four-time defending champion Federer will face Australian Open winner Novak Djokovic and world number one Nadal, the Wimbledon and French Open champion, will face British sixth seed Andy Murray in semi-finals set for Saturday.
Heavy rain in the forecast could delay the drama, but whenever the Fab Four step on the court to decide the finalists in the year's last Grand Slam event, expect tension-filled confrontations setting the stage for a date with destiny.
Second seed Federer has to hope it's third-time lucky after losing his third consecutive French Open final to Nadal and seeing the Spaniard deny him a sixth Wimbledon title in a row in one of the greatest matches ever played.
Federer enters his record 18th consecutive Slam semi-final, a rematch of his 2007 US Open final triumph over Djokovic, on a 33-match US Open win streak. Bill Tilden's run of 42 from 1920 to 1926 is the only longer men's streak.
The 27-year-old Swiss superstar has won 12 Grand Slam singles crowns, two shy of matching the all-time record of Pete Sampras, but this could be the first year since 2002 that Federer does not win at least one.
That's due to the emergence of Nadal, who captured Olympic gold last month at Beijing and has shown himself to be far more than a clay-court magician by breaking through to dethrone Federer at Wimbledon to reach the ranking pinnacle.
Nadal, 22, ended Federer's 237-week rankings reign last month and the left-hander will remain atop the ATP performance list no matter how the Flushing Meadows fortnight finishes.
A victory in the US Open final would put Nadal alongside Rod Laver, Pete Sampras and Federer as the only men to win three Slams in a row in the 40-year Open era.
"I'm here with very special motivation," Nadal said.
Nadal, who has won 19 Grand Slam matches in a row, could join Manuel Orantes as the only Spanish champions of this event in the Open era. Orantes won the US Open in 1975 when it was played on clay.
But title or not, Nadal has punctured the aura of invincibility that once surrounded Federer. This has been Federer's most difficult season since 2003.
The US Open offers a chance for Federer to reclaim a bit of the mystique or for Nadal to close his rival's last chapter and give himself a chance to win a fourth Slam in a row at next January's Australian Open.
"For (Federer) it's a big challenge now to win another Slam and stay in the race with Rafa to be number one at the end of the year," Djokovic said. "It's a bit strange to see No. 2 next to his name."
Then again, there are a couple of 21-year-old Europeans who would be just as happy if neither Federer nor Nadal make it to the trophy showdown at Arthur Ashe Stadium.
Serbian third seed Djokovic has lost six of eight meetings with Federer but beat him in this year's Australian Open semi-final on his way to taking his first Grand Slam title, beating France's Jo-Wilfried Tsonga in the title match.
Olympic bronze medallist Djokovic has reached his sixth Slam semi-final after reach his first Slam final here a year ago. If he wins the US Open he will move past Federer into second in the world rankings.
Murray has made the breakthrough run of the four to reach his first Grand Slam semi-final, ensuring that he will jump to fourth in the next ATP rankings to match Tim Henman and Greg Rusedski as the highest-rated British man ever.
It will take another breakthrough, however, to book a trip to the finals. Murray has lost all five prior meetings with Nadal but earned his respect.
"He can win the title," Nadal said. "For sure it's his first Grand Slam semi-final but he has played very important matches. It's going to be nothing strange for him."
Since taking a two sets to one lead in a fourth-round match with Nadal at the 2007 Australian Open, Murray has been unable to take a set off the skilful Spaniard, losing 11 in a row, three of them in a June Wimbledon quarter-final.
Four-time defending champion Federer will face Australian Open winner Novak Djokovic and world number one Nadal, the Wimbledon and French Open champion, will face British sixth seed Andy Murray in semi-finals set for Saturday.
Heavy rain in the forecast could delay the drama, but whenever the Fab Four step on the court to decide the finalists in the year's last Grand Slam event, expect tension-filled confrontations setting the stage for a date with destiny.
Second seed Federer has to hope it's third-time lucky after losing his third consecutive French Open final to Nadal and seeing the Spaniard deny him a sixth Wimbledon title in a row in one of the greatest matches ever played.
Federer enters his record 18th consecutive Slam semi-final, a rematch of his 2007 US Open final triumph over Djokovic, on a 33-match US Open win streak. Bill Tilden's run of 42 from 1920 to 1926 is the only longer men's streak.
The 27-year-old Swiss superstar has won 12 Grand Slam singles crowns, two shy of matching the all-time record of Pete Sampras, but this could be the first year since 2002 that Federer does not win at least one.
That's due to the emergence of Nadal, who captured Olympic gold last month at Beijing and has shown himself to be far more than a clay-court magician by breaking through to dethrone Federer at Wimbledon to reach the ranking pinnacle.
Nadal, 22, ended Federer's 237-week rankings reign last month and the left-hander will remain atop the ATP performance list no matter how the Flushing Meadows fortnight finishes.
A victory in the US Open final would put Nadal alongside Rod Laver, Pete Sampras and Federer as the only men to win three Slams in a row in the 40-year Open era.
"I'm here with very special motivation," Nadal said.
Nadal, who has won 19 Grand Slam matches in a row, could join Manuel Orantes as the only Spanish champions of this event in the Open era. Orantes won the US Open in 1975 when it was played on clay.
But title or not, Nadal has punctured the aura of invincibility that once surrounded Federer. This has been Federer's most difficult season since 2003.
The US Open offers a chance for Federer to reclaim a bit of the mystique or for Nadal to close his rival's last chapter and give himself a chance to win a fourth Slam in a row at next January's Australian Open.
"For (Federer) it's a big challenge now to win another Slam and stay in the race with Rafa to be number one at the end of the year," Djokovic said. "It's a bit strange to see No. 2 next to his name."
Then again, there are a couple of 21-year-old Europeans who would be just as happy if neither Federer nor Nadal make it to the trophy showdown at Arthur Ashe Stadium.
Serbian third seed Djokovic has lost six of eight meetings with Federer but beat him in this year's Australian Open semi-final on his way to taking his first Grand Slam title, beating France's Jo-Wilfried Tsonga in the title match.
Olympic bronze medallist Djokovic has reached his sixth Slam semi-final after reach his first Slam final here a year ago. If he wins the US Open he will move past Federer into second in the world rankings.
Murray has made the breakthrough run of the four to reach his first Grand Slam semi-final, ensuring that he will jump to fourth in the next ATP rankings to match Tim Henman and Greg Rusedski as the highest-rated British man ever.
It will take another breakthrough, however, to book a trip to the finals. Murray has lost all five prior meetings with Nadal but earned his respect.
"He can win the title," Nadal said. "For sure it's his first Grand Slam semi-final but he has played very important matches. It's going to be nothing strange for him."
Since taking a two sets to one lead in a fourth-round match with Nadal at the 2007 Australian Open, Murray has been unable to take a set off the skilful Spaniard, losing 11 in a row, three of them in a June Wimbledon quarter-final.
Health - Climate Change may worsen Allergies
As one of 40 million Americans who suffer from hay fever, Lewis Ziska carries an inhaler in his pocket and takes a whiff to clear his lungs on bad allergy days. But hay fever is more than a personal-health issue for Ziska. A weed ecologist with the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Crop Systems and Global Change Laboratory, Ziska is a leading researcher in the fledgling field of allergies and climate change. His findings regarding ragweed, an invasive plant whose pollen is the leading trigger of fall hay fever, are nothing to sneeze at. Global warming and increased atmospheric carbon dioxide from burning fossil fuels appear to supercharge the growth of ragweed. And not only does ragweed grow larger and produce more pollen, its pollen is more allergenic, studies show.
People allergic to ragweed aren't the only ones who'll be sniffling more. Studies show that increased CO2 levels increase the level of tree pollen, a common source of allergies in springtime. There's evidence that warmer temperatures in Alaska have led to increases in yellow-jacket stings, bad news for people with bee-sting allergies. Not even your basement will be safe: fungal spores also proliferate in warmer temperatures and thrive when carbon-dioxide levels rise.
To test his ragweed hypothesis, Ziska planted the weed in three plots: a rural farm, a semi-rural county park and downtown Baltimore. The urban plot's ragweed produced four times the pollen count of the rural site. "Cities already have more carbon dioxide than rural areas and are hotter," Ziska says. "Cities are a surrogate for global warming."
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The impact of global warming and increased CO2 on allergies is also being studied by government agencies, scientists and doctors. The Environmental Protection Agency's National Center for Environmental Research is soliciting proposals for climate change and allergy studies to receive funding. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change—the leading international authority on man-induced warming—and the EPA both cited increased allergic reactions due to climate change as a growing concern in 2007 reports.
Allergists are also worried. One new concern: a startling rise in the amount of tree pollen. Warmer temperatures in Europe are causing birch trees to bloom earlier, prompting an earlier and perhaps longer allergy season. Studies at Duke University show that elevated carbon dioxide increases pollen production of loblolly pines. Allergists suspect that record pollen counts are contributing to the onslaught of new allergy and asthma patients. "I'm seeing an epidemic of new cases," says New York City allergist Clifford Bassett.
Christine Rogers of the School of Public Health and Health Sciences at the University of Massachusetts is working with the USDA's Ziska on a study of fungal spores, which cause allergies in about 10 percent of the public. "We have a greater proportion of the public that is sensitive to allergens, so the question of how climate change affects this is ever more important," says Rogers. Fungi—everything from mushrooms in the woods to fungus that grows in damp basements—play an important role in the ecosystem by decomposing plants. If plant biomass increases due to elevated CO2 and global warming, fungi may proliferate as well, they suspect. Fungal spores are problematic because they affect air quality indoors as well as out. Higher temperatures will lead to increased use of air conditioners, which spread spores if improperly maintained. Heavier rainstorms and floods predicted under climate-change scenarios will also increase indoor dampness, allowing fungal spores to proliferate in homes and buildings, according to the 2007 study "Climate Change, Aerobiology, and Public Health in the Northeast United States."
City dwellers who suffer from asthma already are being hit by a "nasty synergy" of hotter temperatures, smog and increasing pollen counts, says Paul Epstein of Harvard's Center for Health and Global Environment. A large percentage of asthmatics are also allergic to pollen. These patients suffer from a double whammy of pollen and smog on days when ground-level ozone levels are high.
Country folk face new challenges, too. Poison ivy, a woodland plant that causes itching and a weepy rash, is becoming more toxic. Researchers at Duke University stumbled across this discovery while conducting an experiment that involved pumping extra carbon dioxide into a plot of pine trees to see whether the forest would soak up and sequester more carbon, mitigating climate change. But they noticed that poison ivy on the forest floor proliferated. Subsequent testing showed that the poison ivy's rash-causing oil, urushiol, was more potent than normal.
Climate change could also spell trouble for people allergic to stinging insects. Alaska, which is warming faster than the rest of the country, could be a test case. In some areas, reports of severe stings from Hymenoptera—the insect order that includes bees, wasps and yellow jackets—are up 600 percent in eight years. Jeffrey Demain, an allergist with the Allergy, Asthma and Immunology Center of Alaska, says yellow jackets and wasps are showing up in places they never lived before.
Skeptics sometimes cite increased crop yields and more-prolific plant growth as reasons to be unconcerned about global warming. But if Ziska and his cohorts are right, the coming global greenhouse will be a sneezier, wheezier and rashier place—and many more people may be whiffing from inhalers.
People allergic to ragweed aren't the only ones who'll be sniffling more. Studies show that increased CO2 levels increase the level of tree pollen, a common source of allergies in springtime. There's evidence that warmer temperatures in Alaska have led to increases in yellow-jacket stings, bad news for people with bee-sting allergies. Not even your basement will be safe: fungal spores also proliferate in warmer temperatures and thrive when carbon-dioxide levels rise.
To test his ragweed hypothesis, Ziska planted the weed in three plots: a rural farm, a semi-rural county park and downtown Baltimore. The urban plot's ragweed produced four times the pollen count of the rural site. "Cities already have more carbon dioxide than rural areas and are hotter," Ziska says. "Cities are a surrogate for global warming."
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
The impact of global warming and increased CO2 on allergies is also being studied by government agencies, scientists and doctors. The Environmental Protection Agency's National Center for Environmental Research is soliciting proposals for climate change and allergy studies to receive funding. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change—the leading international authority on man-induced warming—and the EPA both cited increased allergic reactions due to climate change as a growing concern in 2007 reports.
Allergists are also worried. One new concern: a startling rise in the amount of tree pollen. Warmer temperatures in Europe are causing birch trees to bloom earlier, prompting an earlier and perhaps longer allergy season. Studies at Duke University show that elevated carbon dioxide increases pollen production of loblolly pines. Allergists suspect that record pollen counts are contributing to the onslaught of new allergy and asthma patients. "I'm seeing an epidemic of new cases," says New York City allergist Clifford Bassett.
Christine Rogers of the School of Public Health and Health Sciences at the University of Massachusetts is working with the USDA's Ziska on a study of fungal spores, which cause allergies in about 10 percent of the public. "We have a greater proportion of the public that is sensitive to allergens, so the question of how climate change affects this is ever more important," says Rogers. Fungi—everything from mushrooms in the woods to fungus that grows in damp basements—play an important role in the ecosystem by decomposing plants. If plant biomass increases due to elevated CO2 and global warming, fungi may proliferate as well, they suspect. Fungal spores are problematic because they affect air quality indoors as well as out. Higher temperatures will lead to increased use of air conditioners, which spread spores if improperly maintained. Heavier rainstorms and floods predicted under climate-change scenarios will also increase indoor dampness, allowing fungal spores to proliferate in homes and buildings, according to the 2007 study "Climate Change, Aerobiology, and Public Health in the Northeast United States."
City dwellers who suffer from asthma already are being hit by a "nasty synergy" of hotter temperatures, smog and increasing pollen counts, says Paul Epstein of Harvard's Center for Health and Global Environment. A large percentage of asthmatics are also allergic to pollen. These patients suffer from a double whammy of pollen and smog on days when ground-level ozone levels are high.
Country folk face new challenges, too. Poison ivy, a woodland plant that causes itching and a weepy rash, is becoming more toxic. Researchers at Duke University stumbled across this discovery while conducting an experiment that involved pumping extra carbon dioxide into a plot of pine trees to see whether the forest would soak up and sequester more carbon, mitigating climate change. But they noticed that poison ivy on the forest floor proliferated. Subsequent testing showed that the poison ivy's rash-causing oil, urushiol, was more potent than normal.
Climate change could also spell trouble for people allergic to stinging insects. Alaska, which is warming faster than the rest of the country, could be a test case. In some areas, reports of severe stings from Hymenoptera—the insect order that includes bees, wasps and yellow jackets—are up 600 percent in eight years. Jeffrey Demain, an allergist with the Allergy, Asthma and Immunology Center of Alaska, says yellow jackets and wasps are showing up in places they never lived before.
Skeptics sometimes cite increased crop yields and more-prolific plant growth as reasons to be unconcerned about global warming. But if Ziska and his cohorts are right, the coming global greenhouse will be a sneezier, wheezier and rashier place—and many more people may be whiffing from inhalers.
Business - Sex Aids on Retail Shelves
Hustler magazine and Wal-Mart haven't had much in common over the years. After all, the megaretailer won't even carry Hustler's explicit publications. But now they have at least one area of overlap. As of this month, Wal-Mart will be selling Wet, a sexual lubricant that has been a staple for more than a decade at Hustler's adult product boutiques.
If you haven't heard of Wet or its cousins, like Astroglide, you probably haven't been exploring the "sexual health" section of your local drugstore lately.
The migration of what used to be called "marital aids" from specialty sex shops to the mainstream stores began about four years ago for Trigg Laboratories Inc., the company that makes Wet. "Since then, even the more conservative retailers have come over," says John Winning, vice president of sales for the Valencia, Calif., firm.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
"Every retailer has a different line on what will be acceptable—and that line can move," says Winning. "For us it was also about getting them past the name. But once they see our sales, that doesn't last long."
You might think that Wet and other personal lubricants with blush-worthy labels would be hidden away on a special shelf in the back of the store behind a curtain. Nope. They are usually right out in the open—near the female contraceptives and pregnancy tests.
Nor are they the most risqué items to appear on pharmacy shelves in the last six months. Indeed, certain aisles are starting to look like supply sites for Cosmopolitan magazine's sex tips section
In addition to dozens of massage liquids, "warming gels," and lubricants in many flavors, you'll also find vibrators. Durex, an international condom maker with a U.S. base in Atlanta, began putting the Little Gem personal massager (a.k.a. vibrator) on drugstore shelves around the country in August of last year. Demurely packaged in a lavender frosted-plastic oval container, the purpose of the Little Gem is fairly ambiguous unless you read the fine print, or just guess that it's related to sex because it's right near all the lubricants. Out of context it could be some kind of exfoliating device—or maybe a fancy skin cream.
The discreet packaging was, of course, deliberate. "Now a soccer mom in her minivan can be comfortable buying these types of products right along with her toothpaste and shampoo," says Tim Cleary, Durex's vice president of sales. He says that Durex's "Play" line of lubricants, condoms, vibrating condom rings, and massagers geared to women was introduced online in 2004 but is now in 30,000 stores nationwide—though the massagers and condom rings are not available everywhere. (Wal-Mart, for example, says it does not offer any personal massagers, though it does sell a variety of lubricants.)
Drugstores have been selling many of these products online for a decade or more. And it's a healthy market. Over-the-counter sales of lubricants (excluding Wal-Mart) hit $113 million in 2007, a 30.3 percent hike from the previous four-year period, according to Nielsen Strategic Planner. The prices per container range from $5 to $15, depending on the brand and size. And while there isn't much market data yet on mainstream retail vibrator sales, Durex says its personal massagers are doing very well at about $36 per Little Gem.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Leading chains, like CVS, say they have more than quadrupled the shelf space they devote to the category in the last five years. But despite the apparent consumer demand, retailers aren't particularly eager to discuss the personal massagers or other sexual health products they offer. A Walgreens spokeswoman reported that the company was simply adapting to "reflect trends and changing customer interest" and chose to offer more "discreet products" online.
Why are women now welcoming items that might have caused an uproar if they'd shown up on a low shelf in the neighborhood pharmacy 10 years ago? Sexual mores are changing, says sex therapist Sandra Leiblum, of Bridgewater, N.J. Thanks to HBO's "Sex and the City" and the vast research field of the Internet, vibrators have come out of the closet and right into bedside drawers.
"We're much more open now to experimenting sexually," says Leiblum. And the lubricants in particular are marketed more attractively these days. Johnson & Johnson's K-Y Brand, the industry leader, used to offer medicinal-looking jellies, but in 2005 it launched a romantically packaged line called Touch Massage, which has been a top seller in the category.
There's also the important issue of basic body mechanics. Manufacturers say that their sales are driven in part by boomers and the advent of erectile dysfunction drugs. "Men started taking Viagra, and now women of a certain age group need our products," says Trigg's Winning.
Lubricants are also popular among women who are nursing, postpartum, or have had chemotherapy—all conditions that can make intercourse painful. According to Leiblum, about 15-18 percent of women in all age groups suffer from this problem, and most women will encounter this issue sometime in their lives.
Ann, a 40-year-old mother of two from Phoenix, Ariz. (who declined to give her full name), says drugstore-purchased lubricants rescued her sex life after her first child was born. "I'm not sure if my second child would exist if it were not for this stuff," she says, only half joking.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Not everyone is happy about this quiet sexual revolution. In 2005, when Church & Dwight Co. Inc., manufacturer of Trojan condoms, introduced Elexa, a condom marketed to women with a vibrating ring. They rolled it out across the country except in a handful of states (Alabama, Georgia, Kansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas and Virginia) where obscenity laws prevented its sale in retail stores. The Family Research Council, a conservative policy group, denounced the products as "vulgar" and pointed out that there aren't age restrictions on the purchase of the products, so teens could buy them.
In Alabama the laws take the ban one step further. All stores, including specialty stores, are barred from selling vibrators because of a 1998 law prohibiting distribution of devices that provide genital stimulation. Breaking the law is an offense that can bring up to a year in jail and a $10,000 fine. It's a penalty that rivals that for illegal gun ownership in some states.
Though for the moment the ban is not being enforced, Alabama's sex-shop owners are not standing passively by. Adult store owner Sherri Williams has sued on the grounds that the ban is unconstitutional. Her motto: "They are going to have to pry this vibrator from my cold, dead hand." So far it's been a losing battle. Last year the Supreme Court declined to hear the case pending further information. The decision leaves like-minded women in Alabama to do their vibrator shopping online or out of state, for now.
Those who do go sex-product shopping online will find products that go way beyond the discreetly and romantically packaged offerings on retail store shelves without having to go to sleazy sites. Most of the big chains, except for Wal-Mart, have a sexual health section on their Web sites with an extensive and often eye-popping array of sex toys and "intimacy aids."
Click the "Sexual Wellness" tab on Walgreens's home page and you get a screenful of featured products that includes things like the "Liberator Wedge/Ramp," which comes in three colors and costs $210. (Sorting out what exactly it's for may take a little extra research.) And we won't even describe the other prominently displayed item on the page; suffice it to say it's called "Shag Throe."
For now there's not much chance you'll be seeing the Throe at your local pharmacy. But Winning says he has his sights on expanding into supermarket chains.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Durex and other companies are already selling the lubricants at many mass-market stores like Target, though Cleary declines to say whether the vibrators are heading to supermarkets, where they'd be just a few aisles away from the chicken filets. But the way these products are migrating, we may soon be able to add a lot more spice to our grocery lists.
If you haven't heard of Wet or its cousins, like Astroglide, you probably haven't been exploring the "sexual health" section of your local drugstore lately.
The migration of what used to be called "marital aids" from specialty sex shops to the mainstream stores began about four years ago for Trigg Laboratories Inc., the company that makes Wet. "Since then, even the more conservative retailers have come over," says John Winning, vice president of sales for the Valencia, Calif., firm.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
"Every retailer has a different line on what will be acceptable—and that line can move," says Winning. "For us it was also about getting them past the name. But once they see our sales, that doesn't last long."
You might think that Wet and other personal lubricants with blush-worthy labels would be hidden away on a special shelf in the back of the store behind a curtain. Nope. They are usually right out in the open—near the female contraceptives and pregnancy tests.
Nor are they the most risqué items to appear on pharmacy shelves in the last six months. Indeed, certain aisles are starting to look like supply sites for Cosmopolitan magazine's sex tips section
In addition to dozens of massage liquids, "warming gels," and lubricants in many flavors, you'll also find vibrators. Durex, an international condom maker with a U.S. base in Atlanta, began putting the Little Gem personal massager (a.k.a. vibrator) on drugstore shelves around the country in August of last year. Demurely packaged in a lavender frosted-plastic oval container, the purpose of the Little Gem is fairly ambiguous unless you read the fine print, or just guess that it's related to sex because it's right near all the lubricants. Out of context it could be some kind of exfoliating device—or maybe a fancy skin cream.
The discreet packaging was, of course, deliberate. "Now a soccer mom in her minivan can be comfortable buying these types of products right along with her toothpaste and shampoo," says Tim Cleary, Durex's vice president of sales. He says that Durex's "Play" line of lubricants, condoms, vibrating condom rings, and massagers geared to women was introduced online in 2004 but is now in 30,000 stores nationwide—though the massagers and condom rings are not available everywhere. (Wal-Mart, for example, says it does not offer any personal massagers, though it does sell a variety of lubricants.)
Drugstores have been selling many of these products online for a decade or more. And it's a healthy market. Over-the-counter sales of lubricants (excluding Wal-Mart) hit $113 million in 2007, a 30.3 percent hike from the previous four-year period, according to Nielsen Strategic Planner. The prices per container range from $5 to $15, depending on the brand and size. And while there isn't much market data yet on mainstream retail vibrator sales, Durex says its personal massagers are doing very well at about $36 per Little Gem.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Leading chains, like CVS, say they have more than quadrupled the shelf space they devote to the category in the last five years. But despite the apparent consumer demand, retailers aren't particularly eager to discuss the personal massagers or other sexual health products they offer. A Walgreens spokeswoman reported that the company was simply adapting to "reflect trends and changing customer interest" and chose to offer more "discreet products" online.
Why are women now welcoming items that might have caused an uproar if they'd shown up on a low shelf in the neighborhood pharmacy 10 years ago? Sexual mores are changing, says sex therapist Sandra Leiblum, of Bridgewater, N.J. Thanks to HBO's "Sex and the City" and the vast research field of the Internet, vibrators have come out of the closet and right into bedside drawers.
"We're much more open now to experimenting sexually," says Leiblum. And the lubricants in particular are marketed more attractively these days. Johnson & Johnson's K-Y Brand, the industry leader, used to offer medicinal-looking jellies, but in 2005 it launched a romantically packaged line called Touch Massage, which has been a top seller in the category.
There's also the important issue of basic body mechanics. Manufacturers say that their sales are driven in part by boomers and the advent of erectile dysfunction drugs. "Men started taking Viagra, and now women of a certain age group need our products," says Trigg's Winning.
Lubricants are also popular among women who are nursing, postpartum, or have had chemotherapy—all conditions that can make intercourse painful. According to Leiblum, about 15-18 percent of women in all age groups suffer from this problem, and most women will encounter this issue sometime in their lives.
Ann, a 40-year-old mother of two from Phoenix, Ariz. (who declined to give her full name), says drugstore-purchased lubricants rescued her sex life after her first child was born. "I'm not sure if my second child would exist if it were not for this stuff," she says, only half joking.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Not everyone is happy about this quiet sexual revolution. In 2005, when Church & Dwight Co. Inc., manufacturer of Trojan condoms, introduced Elexa, a condom marketed to women with a vibrating ring. They rolled it out across the country except in a handful of states (Alabama, Georgia, Kansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas and Virginia) where obscenity laws prevented its sale in retail stores. The Family Research Council, a conservative policy group, denounced the products as "vulgar" and pointed out that there aren't age restrictions on the purchase of the products, so teens could buy them.
In Alabama the laws take the ban one step further. All stores, including specialty stores, are barred from selling vibrators because of a 1998 law prohibiting distribution of devices that provide genital stimulation. Breaking the law is an offense that can bring up to a year in jail and a $10,000 fine. It's a penalty that rivals that for illegal gun ownership in some states.
Though for the moment the ban is not being enforced, Alabama's sex-shop owners are not standing passively by. Adult store owner Sherri Williams has sued on the grounds that the ban is unconstitutional. Her motto: "They are going to have to pry this vibrator from my cold, dead hand." So far it's been a losing battle. Last year the Supreme Court declined to hear the case pending further information. The decision leaves like-minded women in Alabama to do their vibrator shopping online or out of state, for now.
Those who do go sex-product shopping online will find products that go way beyond the discreetly and romantically packaged offerings on retail store shelves without having to go to sleazy sites. Most of the big chains, except for Wal-Mart, have a sexual health section on their Web sites with an extensive and often eye-popping array of sex toys and "intimacy aids."
Click the "Sexual Wellness" tab on Walgreens's home page and you get a screenful of featured products that includes things like the "Liberator Wedge/Ramp," which comes in three colors and costs $210. (Sorting out what exactly it's for may take a little extra research.) And we won't even describe the other prominently displayed item on the page; suffice it to say it's called "Shag Throe."
For now there's not much chance you'll be seeing the Throe at your local pharmacy. But Winning says he has his sights on expanding into supermarket chains.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Durex and other companies are already selling the lubricants at many mass-market stores like Target, though Cleary declines to say whether the vibrators are heading to supermarkets, where they'd be just a few aisles away from the chicken filets. But the way these products are migrating, we may soon be able to add a lot more spice to our grocery lists.
Lifestyle - Banning pants with offensive phrases on the Bum
Remember a few years ago, when everyone got upset because teens were sporting shorts and sweatpants with the word JUICY (or worse) across their backsides? And remember how when you were a kid, you could get a necklace or a tiny license plate with your name on it at the mall? Well, those two fabulous ideas have converged to become the oh-so-highbrow Boyfriend Bum Lettered Shorts (not the official name). This fashion breakthrough allows young women to walk around with phrases like MIKE'S ASS or TIM'S ASS written on their bums. Classy, no?
A conscientious parent might worry that young girls will think it's OK for some guy named Tim to own a part of their bodies and to refer to it with a word usually preceded by the phrase "a piece of." It's not likely that the folks who make clothing with words on the bum consider such issues, of course, but if you're über-optimistic, you might give them the benefit of the doubt and assume that they're making a kind of postfeminist effort to turn sexism on its, uh, rear.
The strip of seat-of-the-pants real estate turns out to be pretty valuable. In April, Juicy Couture, the Liz Claiborne-owned company that first put the word JUICY on the posterior, filed suit in a Manhattan court against Victoria's Secret, claiming the lingerie purveyor had stolen their packaging strategies and their classic butt-writing idea and used it in their PINK line of clothing. Juicy has asked that all the offending clothes be destroyed and wants triple damages—three times the profits Victoria's Secret made through its alleged idea-pilfering. In a statement, Juicy called its velour sweats with Victorian lettering on the backside a "collegiate preppy look." (Are you listening, Yale?)
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Collegiate or not, the concept of bum lettering has spread across university campuses. Even at Smith College, the alma mater of feminist icon Betty Friedan, SMITH adorns the backsides of some of the brightest women in America. Of course, for those who attend a school with a two-word name, there's a shallower concern than abandoning the principles of feminism. After all, nothing is more upsetting than finding that after a few months of dorm food, your BRYN is now a foot away from your MAWR.
Mothers of college girls may have already given up the fight against the branding of their daughters' bottoms (that is, if they're not branded themselves), but there's hope for concerned parents of middle- and high-school kids. Fall is here, and schools across the country have been rolling out an increasingly strict array of dress codes. Districts are adopting bans on shorts and sweatpants with phrases on the bum, as well as a whole range of other fashion statements.
Much of what's forbidden is old hat: no droopy pants, no visible thongs, no obscenity. But this year, schools in North Carolina's Catawba County are banning anything with a logo or lettering, even if doesn't sound dirty. Yes, that includes (gasp!) Abercrombie and Fitch. Other schools found it easier to list what is allowed than what isn't. The Detroit school system's dress code forbids shirts in anything but five colors … if you count white and black as colors: "All students shall wear white, blue, black, yellow or pink."
A conscientious parent might worry that young girls will think it's OK for some guy named Tim to own a part of their bodies and to refer to it with a word usually preceded by the phrase "a piece of." It's not likely that the folks who make clothing with words on the bum consider such issues, of course, but if you're über-optimistic, you might give them the benefit of the doubt and assume that they're making a kind of postfeminist effort to turn sexism on its, uh, rear.
The strip of seat-of-the-pants real estate turns out to be pretty valuable. In April, Juicy Couture, the Liz Claiborne-owned company that first put the word JUICY on the posterior, filed suit in a Manhattan court against Victoria's Secret, claiming the lingerie purveyor had stolen their packaging strategies and their classic butt-writing idea and used it in their PINK line of clothing. Juicy has asked that all the offending clothes be destroyed and wants triple damages—three times the profits Victoria's Secret made through its alleged idea-pilfering. In a statement, Juicy called its velour sweats with Victorian lettering on the backside a "collegiate preppy look." (Are you listening, Yale?)
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Collegiate or not, the concept of bum lettering has spread across university campuses. Even at Smith College, the alma mater of feminist icon Betty Friedan, SMITH adorns the backsides of some of the brightest women in America. Of course, for those who attend a school with a two-word name, there's a shallower concern than abandoning the principles of feminism. After all, nothing is more upsetting than finding that after a few months of dorm food, your BRYN is now a foot away from your MAWR.
Mothers of college girls may have already given up the fight against the branding of their daughters' bottoms (that is, if they're not branded themselves), but there's hope for concerned parents of middle- and high-school kids. Fall is here, and schools across the country have been rolling out an increasingly strict array of dress codes. Districts are adopting bans on shorts and sweatpants with phrases on the bum, as well as a whole range of other fashion statements.
Much of what's forbidden is old hat: no droopy pants, no visible thongs, no obscenity. But this year, schools in North Carolina's Catawba County are banning anything with a logo or lettering, even if doesn't sound dirty. Yes, that includes (gasp!) Abercrombie and Fitch. Other schools found it easier to list what is allowed than what isn't. The Detroit school system's dress code forbids shirts in anything but five colors … if you count white and black as colors: "All students shall wear white, blue, black, yellow or pink."
One Lexington, Ky., private school's rules are so complicated that any kid who can master them should automatically win an academic scholarship to the college of her choice. Here's just one small, cryptic section:
On Fridays we will keep with the current traditions for special dress. That would be dress-up for Lower and Middle School students. The rules about "solid color" do not apply in any division on Fridays. Special dress day will be a Friday only occurrence. Fridays that precede school vacations of at least a week will not be dress-up days, nor will Fridays that are half days. The three exceptions are the day of our holiday concert, Grandparents' Day, and the day of the Candle Lighting Ceremony. These will be dress-up days. Preschool is exempt from the Candle Lighting Ceremony dress-up day. They do not attend.
But the mother of all school dress codes just debuted in Gonzales, Texas, 60 miles southeast of Austin. Students who are inappropriately dressed in that district have a choice of going to detention or donning a school-supplied, genuine inmate-made, prison-style denim jumpsuit and going back to class.The introduction of the jumpsuits caused such a kerfuffle at a recent school board meeting that the police had to be called in to calm a small pack of irate parents. Gonzales Independent School District Superintendent Vic Salazar says objecting parents were in the minority and that the first few days of school have gone off with only minor infractions.
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As to bum-lettering, Salazar says that there won't any of that at his schools this year—because so much text on shirts has become provocative, the district instituted a ban this year on letters or pictures of any kind anywhere on clothing worn by kids in grades five through 12 (abstract lines and circles are OK).
"Last year, I saw a junior [girl] whose T shirt said THESE TOOLS ARE FOR BEDTIME," he says. "I don't think these girls realize what effect they're having when they wear these things. We're just trying to protect them." (The district also mandates that boys may not wear earrings or grow their hair below their earlobes.)
But teenagers are nothing if not innovative. Already the talk around Gonzales is that the kids might start wearing the denim jumpsuits just for fun. And if that happens, you know it won't be long before questionable phrases start appearing on the backsides of those, too.
On Fridays we will keep with the current traditions for special dress. That would be dress-up for Lower and Middle School students. The rules about "solid color" do not apply in any division on Fridays. Special dress day will be a Friday only occurrence. Fridays that precede school vacations of at least a week will not be dress-up days, nor will Fridays that are half days. The three exceptions are the day of our holiday concert, Grandparents' Day, and the day of the Candle Lighting Ceremony. These will be dress-up days. Preschool is exempt from the Candle Lighting Ceremony dress-up day. They do not attend.
But the mother of all school dress codes just debuted in Gonzales, Texas, 60 miles southeast of Austin. Students who are inappropriately dressed in that district have a choice of going to detention or donning a school-supplied, genuine inmate-made, prison-style denim jumpsuit and going back to class.The introduction of the jumpsuits caused such a kerfuffle at a recent school board meeting that the police had to be called in to calm a small pack of irate parents. Gonzales Independent School District Superintendent Vic Salazar says objecting parents were in the minority and that the first few days of school have gone off with only minor infractions.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
As to bum-lettering, Salazar says that there won't any of that at his schools this year—because so much text on shirts has become provocative, the district instituted a ban this year on letters or pictures of any kind anywhere on clothing worn by kids in grades five through 12 (abstract lines and circles are OK).
"Last year, I saw a junior [girl] whose T shirt said THESE TOOLS ARE FOR BEDTIME," he says. "I don't think these girls realize what effect they're having when they wear these things. We're just trying to protect them." (The district also mandates that boys may not wear earrings or grow their hair below their earlobes.)
But teenagers are nothing if not innovative. Already the talk around Gonzales is that the kids might start wearing the denim jumpsuits just for fun. And if that happens, you know it won't be long before questionable phrases start appearing on the backsides of those, too.
Sep 5, 2008
World - Resurrection of Rio De Janeiro
When Joaquim Levy quit his post as vice president for the Inter-American Development Bank to become the finance secretary of Rio de Janeiro early last year, more than a few people thought he was nuts. Who would forsake a chance to be a Washington-based power player of international development for a desk job in one of the hemisphere's unruliest cities? At the very least, Levy was punching under his weight. At worst, he was marching into a sinkhole. But Levy has always waved off the skeptics. His mantra: "It's important to spread the word that it's possible to change Rio de Janeiro."
Brazilians would be forgiven for wondering. Rio's storied carnival can turn machos into maidens and street sweepers into emperors, but the artful Cariocas, as the natives call themselves, have been struggling for years to resuscitate their failing city. A perverse spiral of neglect, predatory politics, and horrific street crime has driven away investors and kept the continent's fairest address in the yoke of mediocrity for nearly a quarter century. Decay has bred decay, driving away talent and investment, and cast a pall of insecurity and dread over a metropolis that had been synonymous with levity and grace.
Levy himself compares the besieged Cariocas to the terrified peddler in the classic movie "L'Armata Brancaleone" who tries to escape the marauding barbarians by climbing into his trunk of wares. In the end, of course, there's nowhere to hide.
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But Rio's fortunes seem to be turning. After a long drought, federal money is flowing again into public safety and infrastructure projects, including improvements in the tattered favelas, or shantytowns. Shipyards are humming, thanks mostly to Petrobras, the state oil monopoly that has announced massive offshore reserves in the last two years that could put Brazil among the world's leading oil producers. A number of giant steel plants are in the works that stand to turn Rio state into Latin America's largest producer. Most remarkably, perhaps, the chronically hemorrhaging state coffers are flush with cash.
Much of the credit goes to Sérgio Cabral, the publicity-seeking state governor who wooed Levy from Washington and then gave him a free hand to overhaul the state's chaotic finances. A former head of the national treasury, where he earned a reputation as a fiscal hawk, Levy wasted little time. He shed scores of dead-end jobs, has boosted tax revenues at a clip of close to 20 percent a year, and is paying down a mountain of debt.
The region is drenched in oil, with an economy as big as Colombia's ($130 billion). But former governments had blessed cronies and favored contractors with piles of cash and sweetheart deals. Suppliers needed a "godfather" and the patience of Job to get paid. "Before, no one had any idea who was paying whom and how much," Levy says. He found he couldn't even meet the payroll when he took office in January 2007. Buried in promissory notes and hooked on deficit spending, Rio was even barred by the federal treasury from taking more loans.
All this has changed. From a $125 million primary budget deficit (net revenues, excluding interest payments on debt) in 2006, the state treasury is solidly in the black, racking up a $500 million surplus in 2007 and $870 million in the first half of this year.
Even the lethargic state judiciary is showing some vital signs. After a cleanup, Rio's appeals courts now rank among the most agile in the country, dispatching corporate cases in weeks or even days instead of years, persuading many companies to try their cases in Rio. Setting up a business now takes days, instead of months. "For the first time in years, things are moving in the right direction," says Mauro Osório, an economist who has long tracked the decline of Rio. Investors have taken note. Lloyds of London recently chose "business friendly" Rio over São Paulo to set up its flagship operation in Latin America. All this has changed. "Levy brought credibility and a managerial competence to public finances that Rio has never seen," says ArmÃnio Fraga, a former central bank president and head of Gavea Investimentos, a Rio asset management fund.
But minding money is not the only challenge. Rio's fiscal mess paled before the mayhem that still rules Rio's streets. With 39 murders per 100,000 residents statewide-- nearly four times the rate of São Paulo--Rio is still one of the most dangerous places anywhere. Its criminals are also among the best armed and most deeply entrenched. "One of the worst crises is to have urban territories that are beyond the control of the state," says José Vicente da Silva, a police scholar and former national security secretary. "Rio has dozens of them." Worse, police are part of the problem. According to official statistics, some 1,330 people were killed in "confrontations" with the police last year, making Rio's lawmen among the most violent in the world.
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Reclaiming Rio is not impossible. São Paulo more than halved its murder rate in the last decade. "But it takes commitment and continuity, and Rio has had anything but that" says da Silva. Thanks to the official habit of elected leaders undoing their predecessor's work, Rio's security chiefs are constantly improvising and have little use for tools such as computerized crime mapping and data banks, which allow law enforcement to pinpoint crime hotspots and optimize manpower. It doesn't help that only 20 percent of the state police force is deployed in the city of Rio, where 40 percent of all murders are committed.
And yet there are glimmers of hope. Under orders from Cabral, security chief José Beltrame has tightened control over police brass, ending the habit of political cronies using police jobs for patronage. He is also initiating "productivity" rewards for good policing -- a $650 bonus for every rifle seized from outlaws, for example. Yet none of this will suffice unless the government can bring to the streets, and the cops, the same "management shock treatment" it applied to its wayward accounts. "Rio will not be able to reach its economic potential in the service and tourism industry as long as the cloud of violence and insecurity looms over the city," warns Maria Silvia Bastos Marques, deputy director of the Rio Chamber of Commerce.
Levy is not deterred. "It took years of reforms that no one paid attention to before the Brazilian economy started taking off," he says. "If we keep laying the groundwork, and provide physical and economic safety, the rest will follow." he says. Rescuing Rio won't be simple, he allows. But it's better than hiding in a trunk.
Brazilians would be forgiven for wondering. Rio's storied carnival can turn machos into maidens and street sweepers into emperors, but the artful Cariocas, as the natives call themselves, have been struggling for years to resuscitate their failing city. A perverse spiral of neglect, predatory politics, and horrific street crime has driven away investors and kept the continent's fairest address in the yoke of mediocrity for nearly a quarter century. Decay has bred decay, driving away talent and investment, and cast a pall of insecurity and dread over a metropolis that had been synonymous with levity and grace.
Levy himself compares the besieged Cariocas to the terrified peddler in the classic movie "L'Armata Brancaleone" who tries to escape the marauding barbarians by climbing into his trunk of wares. In the end, of course, there's nowhere to hide.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
But Rio's fortunes seem to be turning. After a long drought, federal money is flowing again into public safety and infrastructure projects, including improvements in the tattered favelas, or shantytowns. Shipyards are humming, thanks mostly to Petrobras, the state oil monopoly that has announced massive offshore reserves in the last two years that could put Brazil among the world's leading oil producers. A number of giant steel plants are in the works that stand to turn Rio state into Latin America's largest producer. Most remarkably, perhaps, the chronically hemorrhaging state coffers are flush with cash.
Much of the credit goes to Sérgio Cabral, the publicity-seeking state governor who wooed Levy from Washington and then gave him a free hand to overhaul the state's chaotic finances. A former head of the national treasury, where he earned a reputation as a fiscal hawk, Levy wasted little time. He shed scores of dead-end jobs, has boosted tax revenues at a clip of close to 20 percent a year, and is paying down a mountain of debt.
The region is drenched in oil, with an economy as big as Colombia's ($130 billion). But former governments had blessed cronies and favored contractors with piles of cash and sweetheart deals. Suppliers needed a "godfather" and the patience of Job to get paid. "Before, no one had any idea who was paying whom and how much," Levy says. He found he couldn't even meet the payroll when he took office in January 2007. Buried in promissory notes and hooked on deficit spending, Rio was even barred by the federal treasury from taking more loans.
All this has changed. From a $125 million primary budget deficit (net revenues, excluding interest payments on debt) in 2006, the state treasury is solidly in the black, racking up a $500 million surplus in 2007 and $870 million in the first half of this year.
Even the lethargic state judiciary is showing some vital signs. After a cleanup, Rio's appeals courts now rank among the most agile in the country, dispatching corporate cases in weeks or even days instead of years, persuading many companies to try their cases in Rio. Setting up a business now takes days, instead of months. "For the first time in years, things are moving in the right direction," says Mauro Osório, an economist who has long tracked the decline of Rio. Investors have taken note. Lloyds of London recently chose "business friendly" Rio over São Paulo to set up its flagship operation in Latin America. All this has changed. "Levy brought credibility and a managerial competence to public finances that Rio has never seen," says ArmÃnio Fraga, a former central bank president and head of Gavea Investimentos, a Rio asset management fund.
But minding money is not the only challenge. Rio's fiscal mess paled before the mayhem that still rules Rio's streets. With 39 murders per 100,000 residents statewide-- nearly four times the rate of São Paulo--Rio is still one of the most dangerous places anywhere. Its criminals are also among the best armed and most deeply entrenched. "One of the worst crises is to have urban territories that are beyond the control of the state," says José Vicente da Silva, a police scholar and former national security secretary. "Rio has dozens of them." Worse, police are part of the problem. According to official statistics, some 1,330 people were killed in "confrontations" with the police last year, making Rio's lawmen among the most violent in the world.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Reclaiming Rio is not impossible. São Paulo more than halved its murder rate in the last decade. "But it takes commitment and continuity, and Rio has had anything but that" says da Silva. Thanks to the official habit of elected leaders undoing their predecessor's work, Rio's security chiefs are constantly improvising and have little use for tools such as computerized crime mapping and data banks, which allow law enforcement to pinpoint crime hotspots and optimize manpower. It doesn't help that only 20 percent of the state police force is deployed in the city of Rio, where 40 percent of all murders are committed.
And yet there are glimmers of hope. Under orders from Cabral, security chief José Beltrame has tightened control over police brass, ending the habit of political cronies using police jobs for patronage. He is also initiating "productivity" rewards for good policing -- a $650 bonus for every rifle seized from outlaws, for example. Yet none of this will suffice unless the government can bring to the streets, and the cops, the same "management shock treatment" it applied to its wayward accounts. "Rio will not be able to reach its economic potential in the service and tourism industry as long as the cloud of violence and insecurity looms over the city," warns Maria Silvia Bastos Marques, deputy director of the Rio Chamber of Commerce.
Levy is not deterred. "It took years of reforms that no one paid attention to before the Brazilian economy started taking off," he says. "If we keep laying the groundwork, and provide physical and economic safety, the rest will follow." he says. Rescuing Rio won't be simple, he allows. But it's better than hiding in a trunk.
World - Is Globalization hurting the U.S?
In the just-completed summer Olympics, America's status as the globe's athletic hegemon was clearly under attack. The United States won the overall medal race, edging out China 110 to 100. But the hosts won significantly more gold medals, and favored U.S. individuals and teams fell victim to Jamaican sprinters, Japanese softball players and boxers from pretty much everywhere. Action off the field also highlighted a similar shift in the balance of power, as viewers marveled at the impressive hardware (buildings like the Water Cube and the Bird's Nest) and software (the spectacular opening ceremonies). "None of these was an accident," says Edward Gresser, director of the project on trade and global markets at the Washington, D.C.-based Progressive Policy Institute. "They reflect the deep economic trends of a decade in which our competitors have raised their game and we haven't."
The Olympics may be the ultimate quadrennial global competition. But from China's gleaming maglev trains to India's superior wireless-phone networks, there are also signs that the United States is losing ground in the daily global competition for economic supremacy. In the 1990s, while the loss of manufacturing jobs was controversial, American consumers and businesses seemed to regard globalization and free trade as net positives. The integration of China and the former Soviet bloc into the trading system lowered inflation, opened new markets and brought billions of workers into the labor force. Armed with a strong dollar, Americans roamed across the flat world like Kenyan distance runners.
But in this decade, rampant growth in emerging markets has mercilessly boosted prices for energy and commodities; competition from foreign workers has tamped down wage growth, and the weak dollar has made U.S. companies vulnerable to foreign buyers. "In the 1990s, we got all the upside of globalization," said David Smick, a consultant and author of the new book "The World Is Curved: Hidden Dangers in the Global Economy." "Now we're getting some of the downside."
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As a result, Americans are now more inclined to see themselves as victims of globalization—rather than as beneficiaries of it. A Los Angeles Times/Bloomberg poll this spring found that 50 percent of respondents said free trade hurt the economy, while only 26 percent said it helped.
Americans returning from jaunts abroad can't help but notice that the distinguishing features of modern capitalism, many of them developed in the United States, are being put to greater effect overseas. I've had better cell-phone service in Cambodia than in Connecticut. South Korea, and many other countries, has a higher rate of broadband penetration than the United States. An Ernst & Young report found that about 24 percent of America's major roads are in "poor to mediocre condition," while China builds ever-faster trains. In 2000, U.S. exchanges accounted for about half the value of global stock markets; at the beginning of this year, they accounted for just 33 percent. When the sale of Anheuser-Busch to InBev, the Brazilian-Belgian giant, is completed, each of America's Big Three beermakers will be part of a foreign conglomerate.
As capital and financial know-how spreads throughout the world, America's status as the global leader in risk management has taken a beating, thanks to Wall Street's credit immolation. The evaporation of savings has forced American bankers to beg sovereign wealth funds in Asia and the Persian Gulf for new capital. The Big Three automakers are lobbying for federal loan guarantees. The "ownership society"? More like "bailout nation."
More troubling are the signs that the United States has lost its capacity to determine the direction of the global economy. In the past, when American motorists cut back on driving, the price of oil would plummet; in 2008, not so much. This summer the Doha round of trade talks, aimed at lowering trade barriers, ended in failure, despite an aggressive U.S. push. Sean Spicer, assistant U.S. trade representative, said the diffusion of economic power is partially to blame. "The World Trade Organization now has 153 members," he said. "Ten years ago it had 80. And China and India obviously now have bigger seats at the table." Russia's recent actions in the Caucasus have revealed that the United States no longer has the ability to use economic power as a tool of statecraft. How can the Bush administration impose economic sanctions on a government that owns hundreds of billions of dollars of U.S. debt?
And we ain't seen nothing yet. Jeffrey Garten, professor of international trade and finance at the Yale School of Management, notes that in 2000, the world's wealthiest countries accounted for about 70 percent of the global economy, compared with 30 percent for developing economies. "At the midpoint of the 21st century, those percentages are going to be reversed," he said.
So must 21st-century America adjust to a humbler role in the world's economy, just as 20th-century Britain did in the wake of the collapse of its empire? Not necessarily. Back in 1992, Massachusetts Sen. Paul Tsongas declared that the cold war was over, and that Germany and Japan had won—right on the cusp of a decade of extraordinary growth for the United States. Globalization doesn't have to be a winner-take-all, zero-sum game. Mark Zandi, chief economist of Moody's Economy.com, notes that exports—up 13.2 percent in the second quarter—have created hundreds of thousands of jobs this year. And there are still plenty of economic events in which the United States sweeps the medals: farming, high tech, higher education, branded goods.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
The global economy is no longer an individual event. Now it's more like the eight-person crew. That's an event in which several powerful strokers propel the boat forward through choppy waters. It's also an event in which the American women nudged out furious international competition to win gold.
With Daniel Stone in Washington and Barrett Sheridan and Ashley Harris in New York
The Olympics may be the ultimate quadrennial global competition. But from China's gleaming maglev trains to India's superior wireless-phone networks, there are also signs that the United States is losing ground in the daily global competition for economic supremacy. In the 1990s, while the loss of manufacturing jobs was controversial, American consumers and businesses seemed to regard globalization and free trade as net positives. The integration of China and the former Soviet bloc into the trading system lowered inflation, opened new markets and brought billions of workers into the labor force. Armed with a strong dollar, Americans roamed across the flat world like Kenyan distance runners.
But in this decade, rampant growth in emerging markets has mercilessly boosted prices for energy and commodities; competition from foreign workers has tamped down wage growth, and the weak dollar has made U.S. companies vulnerable to foreign buyers. "In the 1990s, we got all the upside of globalization," said David Smick, a consultant and author of the new book "The World Is Curved: Hidden Dangers in the Global Economy." "Now we're getting some of the downside."
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
As a result, Americans are now more inclined to see themselves as victims of globalization—rather than as beneficiaries of it. A Los Angeles Times/Bloomberg poll this spring found that 50 percent of respondents said free trade hurt the economy, while only 26 percent said it helped.
Americans returning from jaunts abroad can't help but notice that the distinguishing features of modern capitalism, many of them developed in the United States, are being put to greater effect overseas. I've had better cell-phone service in Cambodia than in Connecticut. South Korea, and many other countries, has a higher rate of broadband penetration than the United States. An Ernst & Young report found that about 24 percent of America's major roads are in "poor to mediocre condition," while China builds ever-faster trains. In 2000, U.S. exchanges accounted for about half the value of global stock markets; at the beginning of this year, they accounted for just 33 percent. When the sale of Anheuser-Busch to InBev, the Brazilian-Belgian giant, is completed, each of America's Big Three beermakers will be part of a foreign conglomerate.
As capital and financial know-how spreads throughout the world, America's status as the global leader in risk management has taken a beating, thanks to Wall Street's credit immolation. The evaporation of savings has forced American bankers to beg sovereign wealth funds in Asia and the Persian Gulf for new capital. The Big Three automakers are lobbying for federal loan guarantees. The "ownership society"? More like "bailout nation."
More troubling are the signs that the United States has lost its capacity to determine the direction of the global economy. In the past, when American motorists cut back on driving, the price of oil would plummet; in 2008, not so much. This summer the Doha round of trade talks, aimed at lowering trade barriers, ended in failure, despite an aggressive U.S. push. Sean Spicer, assistant U.S. trade representative, said the diffusion of economic power is partially to blame. "The World Trade Organization now has 153 members," he said. "Ten years ago it had 80. And China and India obviously now have bigger seats at the table." Russia's recent actions in the Caucasus have revealed that the United States no longer has the ability to use economic power as a tool of statecraft. How can the Bush administration impose economic sanctions on a government that owns hundreds of billions of dollars of U.S. debt?
And we ain't seen nothing yet. Jeffrey Garten, professor of international trade and finance at the Yale School of Management, notes that in 2000, the world's wealthiest countries accounted for about 70 percent of the global economy, compared with 30 percent for developing economies. "At the midpoint of the 21st century, those percentages are going to be reversed," he said.
So must 21st-century America adjust to a humbler role in the world's economy, just as 20th-century Britain did in the wake of the collapse of its empire? Not necessarily. Back in 1992, Massachusetts Sen. Paul Tsongas declared that the cold war was over, and that Germany and Japan had won—right on the cusp of a decade of extraordinary growth for the United States. Globalization doesn't have to be a winner-take-all, zero-sum game. Mark Zandi, chief economist of Moody's Economy.com, notes that exports—up 13.2 percent in the second quarter—have created hundreds of thousands of jobs this year. And there are still plenty of economic events in which the United States sweeps the medals: farming, high tech, higher education, branded goods.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
The global economy is no longer an individual event. Now it's more like the eight-person crew. That's an event in which several powerful strokers propel the boat forward through choppy waters. It's also an event in which the American women nudged out furious international competition to win gold.
With Daniel Stone in Washington and Barrett Sheridan and Ashley Harris in New York
World - What happened in Europe ?
After a flying start into 2008, European economic growth ground to a halt over the spring and summer. Six months ago many observers had hoped that at least the 15 eurozone countries could weather the global storm unleashed by the U.S. mortgage crisis with limited damage. These hopes have now been dashed for good. The eurozone is mired in stagnation. We cannot even rule out a genuine recession. But the U.S. credit crisis is not the major culprit. The oft-touted scare scenario, namely that European banks burned on the U.S. market would deny credit to worthy borrowers at home, has not come true.
Instead, the eurozone has been hit by two other shocks. The surge in oil prices from $73 per barrel in 2007 to a peak of $146 in July 2008 has forced consumers to spend almost the entire gain in their incomes so far this year on higher energy and food bills, leaving them little extra money for other goods and services. In addition, the rise in the exchange rate of the euro from an average of $1.37 last year to a peak of $1.60 this July went beyond what even the eurozone could bear, despite its reform-enhanced resilience.
The eurozone is now faring worse than the United States. Helped by an undervalued exchange rate, the United States enjoys a boom in exports, with annual growth rates of close to 20 percent, whereas the eurozone is now struggling to raise its exports at all. In addition, while oil prices soared to their peak, the U.S. government sent its consumers tax-rebate checks that, by chance rather than design, offset much of the increase in the average energy bill. In the eurozone, higher levels of government debt make such largesse impossible.
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Fortunately, the current European malaise need not last beyond the coming winter. The fact that it took two giant external shocks—spiking oil prices and the rising euro—to derail the upswing offers hope for the future. The shocks are unlikely to be repeated. Oil prices are now more likely to settle down than to rise further, barring any catastrophic geopolitical accident. Demand for oil is already declining in many countries (though not in China). Consumer spending in the eurozone usually starts to recover six to nine months after a peak in oil prices. Oil prices have already dropped by about $25 per barrel since mid-July. If they stay below the peak, consumer spending could start to firm again next spring. If oil prices decline further, as they may, the rebound could be pronounced.
The long rise of the euro, which had started at a trough of $.82 in October 2000, seems to be over, thanks partly to a shift at the European Central Bank. Initially, the bank had seen the surge in oil prices mostly as a threat to price stability. It took a tough anti-inflation stand that culminated in a July rate hike, which helped drive the euro up until mid-July. Since then the appeal of the euro has waned. Chastened by the unexpected economic downturn, the ECB started to sing a softer tune in August. As a result, the euro has fallen by almost eight percent to $1.47 over the last six weeks.
More important, the tide of global fundamentals is gradually shifting in favor of the greenback. Due to its surging exports, America's external deficit is declining. Although the Fed is certainly not in a hurry, chances are that it will start to gradually increase interest rates at the end of 2008 or in early 2009 if the U.S. economy stays sufficiently resilient. At 2 percent, Fed rates are less than half the ECB's 4.25 percent. This has made the dollar unattractive for investors. However, the United States has higher inflation and more economic growth than the eurozone. Over time, it will make sense to narrow the interest-rate gap between the two sides of the Atlantic. As the market looks forward to this, the U.S. dollar could well strengthen significantly. Our foreign exchange strategists expect a euro exchange rate below $1.40 within one year, with a good chance that the euro could fall even closer to its long-term fundamental value of $1.15–to-1.20 in due course.
Lower oil prices and a less overvalued euro could make life more pleasant for consumers and producers in the eurozone. While exports could regain momentum, consumer spending could gradually recover once households no longer have to hand the increase in their incomes over to the oil producers. Lessening inflation pressures in the absence of any new oil shock could enable the ECB to stay on hold until late 2009 even if growth gets going again next spring.
Most fundamentally, the eurozone has not yet reaped the full benefits of the labor market reforms Germany instituted from 2003 to 2007, and that France is pushing through now. In the next few years, the employment and income prospects in Europe's two largest economies should improve. There are downside risks. The U.S. economy could lurch into a severe recession. The global financial crisis could get much worse, bringing the credit crunch to the eurozone. But these risks can be avoided. It will probably take until mid-2009 for the upswing to regain some of the vigor it had before the oil and euro shocks blew it off-course.
Schmieding is chief economist for Europe at Bank of America in London
Instead, the eurozone has been hit by two other shocks. The surge in oil prices from $73 per barrel in 2007 to a peak of $146 in July 2008 has forced consumers to spend almost the entire gain in their incomes so far this year on higher energy and food bills, leaving them little extra money for other goods and services. In addition, the rise in the exchange rate of the euro from an average of $1.37 last year to a peak of $1.60 this July went beyond what even the eurozone could bear, despite its reform-enhanced resilience.
The eurozone is now faring worse than the United States. Helped by an undervalued exchange rate, the United States enjoys a boom in exports, with annual growth rates of close to 20 percent, whereas the eurozone is now struggling to raise its exports at all. In addition, while oil prices soared to their peak, the U.S. government sent its consumers tax-rebate checks that, by chance rather than design, offset much of the increase in the average energy bill. In the eurozone, higher levels of government debt make such largesse impossible.
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Fortunately, the current European malaise need not last beyond the coming winter. The fact that it took two giant external shocks—spiking oil prices and the rising euro—to derail the upswing offers hope for the future. The shocks are unlikely to be repeated. Oil prices are now more likely to settle down than to rise further, barring any catastrophic geopolitical accident. Demand for oil is already declining in many countries (though not in China). Consumer spending in the eurozone usually starts to recover six to nine months after a peak in oil prices. Oil prices have already dropped by about $25 per barrel since mid-July. If they stay below the peak, consumer spending could start to firm again next spring. If oil prices decline further, as they may, the rebound could be pronounced.
The long rise of the euro, which had started at a trough of $.82 in October 2000, seems to be over, thanks partly to a shift at the European Central Bank. Initially, the bank had seen the surge in oil prices mostly as a threat to price stability. It took a tough anti-inflation stand that culminated in a July rate hike, which helped drive the euro up until mid-July. Since then the appeal of the euro has waned. Chastened by the unexpected economic downturn, the ECB started to sing a softer tune in August. As a result, the euro has fallen by almost eight percent to $1.47 over the last six weeks.
More important, the tide of global fundamentals is gradually shifting in favor of the greenback. Due to its surging exports, America's external deficit is declining. Although the Fed is certainly not in a hurry, chances are that it will start to gradually increase interest rates at the end of 2008 or in early 2009 if the U.S. economy stays sufficiently resilient. At 2 percent, Fed rates are less than half the ECB's 4.25 percent. This has made the dollar unattractive for investors. However, the United States has higher inflation and more economic growth than the eurozone. Over time, it will make sense to narrow the interest-rate gap between the two sides of the Atlantic. As the market looks forward to this, the U.S. dollar could well strengthen significantly. Our foreign exchange strategists expect a euro exchange rate below $1.40 within one year, with a good chance that the euro could fall even closer to its long-term fundamental value of $1.15–to-1.20 in due course.
Lower oil prices and a less overvalued euro could make life more pleasant for consumers and producers in the eurozone. While exports could regain momentum, consumer spending could gradually recover once households no longer have to hand the increase in their incomes over to the oil producers. Lessening inflation pressures in the absence of any new oil shock could enable the ECB to stay on hold until late 2009 even if growth gets going again next spring.
Most fundamentally, the eurozone has not yet reaped the full benefits of the labor market reforms Germany instituted from 2003 to 2007, and that France is pushing through now. In the next few years, the employment and income prospects in Europe's two largest economies should improve. There are downside risks. The U.S. economy could lurch into a severe recession. The global financial crisis could get much worse, bringing the credit crunch to the eurozone. But these risks can be avoided. It will probably take until mid-2009 for the upswing to regain some of the vigor it had before the oil and euro shocks blew it off-course.
Schmieding is chief economist for Europe at Bank of America in London
World - McCain's Mrs Right
Sarah Palin posed for a photo spread in Vogue, but that's about as far as the glamour goes. She piles her hair up in a librarian's bun and wears what she calls "schoolmarm" glasses (one blogger compared her to "Tina Fey's sexier sister"). She was at one time a beauty queen, Miss Wasilla 1984, in her hometown, population: 7,000 or so. "We were really surprised when she wanted to do it," her father, Chuck, told the Vogue reporter. "That wasn't her thing." Basketball and hunting were more like it. Palin regretted the whole beauty pageant experience. "They made us line up in bathing suits and turn our backs so the male judges could look at our butts. I couldn't believe it!" she told Vogue.
She tried being a sportscaster for a while, but ended up as a politician, or rather an anti-politician. She seemed to love to take on the good ole boys, to get in the face of the state's Republican political establishment and Big Oil, the two dominant forces in Alaska, at least until Palin came along. She smiles a lot and has a thick skin, laughing off reporters who write about her black go-go boots or leering bloggers, like the Washington, D.C.-based Wonkette, which dubbed her "the hottest governor in all 50 states." She is fearless and natural, and it's no wonder she charmed a fierce contrarian like John McCain. "He saw a lot of himself in her," says campaign manager Rick Davis. Whether she can help or hurt his candidacy is another question. She is not just the first Republican woman to run for vice president. She is about as far from conventional notions of a safe, reassuring No. 2 type as can be imagined.
Palin is an American original. She calls herself a "hockey mom" and manages to juggle the lives of her five children (the last, born with Down syndrome, is less than 5 months old) while running the state of Alaska and routinely antagonizing the powers that be. Last fall a NEWSWEEK reporter visited her office in Anchorage. The governor's office overlooks the sparkling Cook Inlet, ringed by mountains, except right smack in the view is a skyscraper adorned with the name CONOCO PHILLIPS in giant letters, a reminder of the prominence of Big Oil in the state capital. The throw rug on her couch is the skin of a grizzly bear shot by her father, a retired teacher turned "nuisance-control specialist" (varmint hunter for hire) whose pickup truck bears the sticker VEGETARIAN—OLD INDIAN WORD FOR "BAD HUNTER." (Palin herself is a lifetime member of the National Rifle Association; for years, she or her husband caught all the fish or shot all the meat that her family eats.) As she spoke to the reporter, she juggled two BlackBerrys and a cell phone, with one always buzzing. She seemed unfazed, indeed to be having fun. As strands of hair fell from her librarian's bun she deftly executed an intricate "don't drop the BlackBerry while fixing the bobby pin" maneuver, several times.
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One of Palin's first acts as governor was to sell the governor's jet on eBay. She thought it was wasteful and, besides, couldn't even land on many of the state's short, gravel airstrips. ("It was for out-of-state trips," she said, disapprovingly.) She keeps a float plane, along with some snowmobiles, in her backyard in Wasilla. At the governor's mansion in Juneau, she got rid of the chef. The NEWSWEEK reporter asked her what working mother in her right mind would dismiss someone whose sole job was to cook for her family. She replied, "I don't want them thinking when I'm done being governor that it's normal to have a chef. It's OK for them to have macaroni and cheese."
She also trimmed down her state-trooper detail, which is why, when the NEWSWEEK reporter and the governor drove in a large SUV from her Anchorage office to her lakeside home, she was at the wheel—still talking and tapping on a BlackBerry , while seamlessly discussing the Alaska oil and gas culture; the FBI investigation into same; her views on stem-cell research (anti), abortion (anti) and gay marriage (anti, though she did say she'd uphold the law on gay-partnership rights). At some point she arranged a playdate for one of her daughters, Piper, age 6. Recognizing her, construction workers waved as she drove by. Clutching her cell phone, she cheerfully waved back.
Arriving home, she ran into the house, kicking off her shoes, grabbing her red sandals and yelling for her children. The reporter had to break it to her that she had just locked them out of the state car, and that the reporter's notebook and tape recorder were still inside. She called a state trooper from her cell phone to come unlock the car, but since she was running late (a not uncommon occurrence), they would have to borrow her son's car to head back to the next stop, the Alaska State Fair. She asked her son Track (a high-school hockey player then, now an Army private headed for Iraq) for his keys. Like any normal teenager, he dangled the keys over his head, just out of reach, and extorted a promise of a full gas tank when she returned. She took it all good-naturedly and was soon barreling off to the fair in her son's jalopy (a Toyota Camry with a cracked windshield), electronic gadgets buzzing in her pockets, still spouting her conservative theories on social policy to the reporter.
As a high-school basketball player, she was nicknamed "Sarah Barracuda." (The name makes her wince now, and she halfheartedly insisted it wasn't true.) She was an aggressive—some would say rough—point guard who never, ever, gave up until her team won the state championship. She became a kind of local goddess by the time she was 18, named "Miss Congeniality" at the same time she won the Wasilla Beauty contest (the off-putting bathing-suit competition didn't occur until she ran, unsuccessfully, to become Miss Alaska). She eloped with her high-school sweetheart to spare their families the cost of a wedding. Her husband, Todd, who is part native Alaskan, is a part-time commercial fisherman (a brutal undertaking in some Alaska weather) and has been a production manager in the North Slope oilfields. Palin has won the Iron Dog snowmobile race from Wasilla to Nome to Fairbanks—the world's longest—four times. The press now refers to him as "First Dude."
After a fitful career as a sportscaster (she imagined ESPN, but didn't want to leave Alaska), she was elected mayor of Wasilla, where her basketball-champion-beauty-pageant glow lived on, at the age of 32. "It was a sleepy town, run by good old boys. I ran as the anti-incumbent," she recalled to NEWSWEEK. Her daughter Piper was born while she was mayor. "She was born on Monday, and I went back to work on Tuesday," she said. It didn't take her long to run for lieutenant governor (she ran a respectable second in 2002) and garner a good job from the then Gov. Frank Murkowski, who made her head of the Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission.
It was in this job that Palin had her true political awakening. She says she was shocked by the corruption she saw. She left after less than a year, but not before she had blown the whistle on another commissioner, Randy Ruedrich, for doing party business on state time. Ruedrich, who also happened to be the Republican state chairman, agreed to pay a $12,000 fine for breaking state ethics laws (he's still in the job). She and others then lodged an ethics complaint against state Attorney General Gregg Ranks, who had been an adviser to Murkowski. Murkowski reprimanded Ranks, and Ranks resigned. Then she turned on Murkowski, who was running for re-election as governor, and beat him by almost 2-1 in 2006. To be sure, she was not always able to juggle family and political obligations successfully along the way. She missed so many scheduled campaign events in the governor's race that reporters began calling her "No Show Sarah." (Palin said during her run that creationism should be taught alongside evolution in schools. She was baptized in an Assembly of God church, a Pentecostal denomination that believes God created the world at every step. Maria Comella, a spokeswoman for the McCain-Palin campaign, said Palin attends different churches and does not consider herself Pentecostal.)
"Being a mom of four [now five] is an unorthodox training ground, but a great training ground," Palin told NEWSWEEK in 2007. "You have to be judge and jury in conflicts. You have to figure out a budget and how to prioritize. To be a mom you have to have more time management than any other CEO." Palin stays up late packing lunches; she gets up every day at 4:30 a.m. "Todd jokes I can sleep when I die," she says. She seems to enjoy that role of strung-out supermom, sustained by wisecracking ("What's the difference between a pit bull and a hockey mom?" she asks. " It's lipstick").
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By 2007 Palin was a hero to many in the state, the scourge of the Republican establishment. "Political analysts in Alaska refer to the 'body count' of Palin's rivals," wrote Fred Barnes in The Weekly Standard, the conservative magazine that identified Palin as "the GOP's newest star." A pollster, Dave Dittman, told Barnes, "The landscape is littered with the bodies of those who crossed Sarah." The FBI was doing its part at the same time, investigating ties between the oil companies and various lawmakers who were allegedly bribed to cut taxes for the oil companies. So far, three state legislators have gone to jail, and earlier this year the Feds indicted Sen. Ted Stevens. "Uncle Ted," the great Republican patriarch, had been bringing home the bacon for years to Alaska as chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee. (Stevens has pleaded not guilty to charges that he failed to report $250,000 in home renovations and gifts from an oil-services company.) Though Palin speaks respectfully of Senator Stevens, she has gone to war on pork-barrel projects, vetoing about 15 percent of the state's capital budget set aside for the pet projects of legislators. Her attack on pork helped endear her to McCain, who has been the leading foe of "earmarking" in the federal budget. Both McCain and Palin were vocal critics of the Bridge to Nowhere (she expressed initial support), a $223 million project in a remote Alaskan community, sponsored by Stevens and Congressman Don Young.
Palin says she is embarrassed by Alaska's national reputation as a corrupt backwater. She believes that the only way Alaska can get off the federal teat and break the domination of the big oil companies is for the state to take control of its vast natural resources, most of which are now controlled by the federal government or leased to Big Oil. She is all for drilling for oil and gas, but she wants more competition from smaller companies. Her critics have lately taken to comparing her to Hugo Chávez, the Venezuelan strongman known for seizing oil companies.
She likes to get her way. "I got that Miss Congeniality out of my system back then," she told NEWSWEEK of her beauty pageant days. Inevitably, she has made some enemies. She is currently under investigation by the state legislature in a tawdry little scandal involving alleged domestic abuse. Palin's younger sister, Molly, had been married to a state trooper named Mike Wooten. In 2005, Palin charged that Wooten had mistreated her sister and her family, including using a Taser stun gun on his 10-year-old stepson, according to state documents reported in The Wall Street Journal. Palin told state investigators that she overheard Trooper Wooten threatening her sister, "I'm gonna f–––ing shoot your dad. He's gonna get a lead bullet." An internal police investigation found that Wooten had used the stun gun on the boy (at the boy's request, according to Wooten) but threw out other charges. Wooten was suspended for five days—but not fired.
In mid-July of this year, Palin fired the Alaska Department of Public Safety commissioner, Walt Monegan. Questioned by reporters, Monegan claimed that he had been fired because he had withstood pressure from Palin and her husband to fire Trooper Wooten. "Outrageous," said Palin. But on Aug. 13, a tape recording emerged showing that a top aide to Palin, Frank Bailey, had invoked the governor's name in talking to a state police lieutenant about Monegan's failure to fire Wooten. "Todd and Sarah are scratching their heads, 'Why on earth hasn't this, why is this guy [Monegan] still representing the department? She [Palin] doesn't know why there is absolutely no action for a year on this issue." The state legislature launched an investigation into Palin for abusing the power of her office. "This is a serious investigation," says Beth Kerttula, the Alaska House Democratic leader. "It's not a witch hunt."
The investigation is scheduled to release its findings on Oct. 31—the Friday before the Tuesday presidential election. But Palin brushes off the seriousness of the investigation. "She conceded that she had an aide who went off the reservation and made a phone call that was inappropriate," said the governor's spokesman, Bill McAllister, at a press conference last Friday. But, he went on, "she is saying she never intended or thought she placed any pressure on Walt Monegan." Palin's approval ratings among Alaskans, once as high as 90 percent, have dropped to a still robust 76 percent in a recent poll.
The McCain campaign did not appear too concerned that the investigation would turn into a nasty October surprise. Asked about Palin's troubles back home, a senior McCain adviser, who declined to be named discussing private strategy, said the campaign had looked very closely at the allegations involving Palin's ex-brother-in-law and was "comfortable" that there are no shoes to drop that could complicate the campaign. The adviser declined to say if McCain had asked Palin about it directly.
Palin was a dark horse in the veepstakes, and made a late run. One of McCain's closest advisers, Sen. Lindsay Graham, had been partial to Sen. Joe Lieberman, McCain's close friend and fellow maverick in the Senate. But as a nominal Democrat who is also pro-choice, Lieberman was too unpopular with the GOP's powerful right flank. McCain had scorned Mitt Romney as a possible running mate, regarding him as too slick and opportunistic. But McCain does not like to be seen as a grudge-bearer, and he understood the former businessman Romney could bolster his own somewhat weak economic bona fides. In the end, says a McCain adviser who did not want to be quoted discussing the selection process, McCain and his aides feared that all those videos of McCain and Romney sniping at each other in the debates would be endlessly replayed by the Democrats. Still touchy about his failure to recollect how many houses he and his wife owned, McCain knew that Romney owned at least four.
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McCain barely knew Palin. He had briefly met her last winter, when he spoke before the National Governors' Association conference in Washington. But he liked what he learned about her from others, especially her willingness to take on her own party, as McCain himself often does. He liked her when they spoke by phone on the night of Sunday, Aug. 24, and by Wednesday night she was secretly winging down to Arizona. The face-to-face with McCain and his wife, Cindy, on Thursday went well; McCain made the offer.
Then it came time to fake out the press and build suspense—to take the cameras away from Barack Obama almost as soon as he finished his speech Thursday night. While cable TV played a breathless guessing game, Palin was sneaked into Middletown, Ohio, where she spent the night in an $89 room in the Manchester Inn. "Very unposh," says Nicolle Wallace, a McCain communications adviser who flew in secretly to meet the nominee. The Palin clan arrived from Alaska on a private jet, along with several McCain staffers, and checked in under the name the "Uptons." "A family reunion," an advance staffer explained to the hotel clerk.
The choice of Palin was a shocker to some conservative pundits, like Charles Krauthammer, who had hoped that McCain would play it safe and choose an unremarkable but solid running mate like Gov. Tim Pawlenty of Minnesota. The choice of Palin is historic, but it undercuts McCain's attack on Obama as a greenhorn lacking in experience, especially abroad. Palin is going to have to essentially take a crash course in foreign affairs before the Oct. 2 vice presidential debate against Joe Biden, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Her best hope may be that Biden says something condescending or goofy—actually, a possibility, given his past history. (At one Washington think tank, staffers were joking that Palin's best strategy in the debate would be to cede all her time to Biden.)
Still, McCain allies were spinning as madly and creatively as they could. "If she can stand up to Ted Stevens, she can stand up to the Russians," says Graham. "She's the commander of the Alaska National Guard. What the hell has Biden commanded?" The Obama campaign came out sneering: "Today, John McCain put the former mayor of a town of 9,000 with zero foreign policy experience a heartbeat away from the presidency," said spokesman Bill Burton. But later, Obama told reporters, "She seems like a compelling person, with a terrific personal story." He seemed to dismiss his own spokesman's "hair trigger" comments. Obama may have just been playing the good cop. Or maybe he was just telling the truth.
With Holly Bailey, Michael Isikoff, Tony Hopfinger and Suzanne Smalley
She tried being a sportscaster for a while, but ended up as a politician, or rather an anti-politician. She seemed to love to take on the good ole boys, to get in the face of the state's Republican political establishment and Big Oil, the two dominant forces in Alaska, at least until Palin came along. She smiles a lot and has a thick skin, laughing off reporters who write about her black go-go boots or leering bloggers, like the Washington, D.C.-based Wonkette, which dubbed her "the hottest governor in all 50 states." She is fearless and natural, and it's no wonder she charmed a fierce contrarian like John McCain. "He saw a lot of himself in her," says campaign manager Rick Davis. Whether she can help or hurt his candidacy is another question. She is not just the first Republican woman to run for vice president. She is about as far from conventional notions of a safe, reassuring No. 2 type as can be imagined.
Palin is an American original. She calls herself a "hockey mom" and manages to juggle the lives of her five children (the last, born with Down syndrome, is less than 5 months old) while running the state of Alaska and routinely antagonizing the powers that be. Last fall a NEWSWEEK reporter visited her office in Anchorage. The governor's office overlooks the sparkling Cook Inlet, ringed by mountains, except right smack in the view is a skyscraper adorned with the name CONOCO PHILLIPS in giant letters, a reminder of the prominence of Big Oil in the state capital. The throw rug on her couch is the skin of a grizzly bear shot by her father, a retired teacher turned "nuisance-control specialist" (varmint hunter for hire) whose pickup truck bears the sticker VEGETARIAN—OLD INDIAN WORD FOR "BAD HUNTER." (Palin herself is a lifetime member of the National Rifle Association; for years, she or her husband caught all the fish or shot all the meat that her family eats.) As she spoke to the reporter, she juggled two BlackBerrys and a cell phone, with one always buzzing. She seemed unfazed, indeed to be having fun. As strands of hair fell from her librarian's bun she deftly executed an intricate "don't drop the BlackBerry while fixing the bobby pin" maneuver, several times.
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One of Palin's first acts as governor was to sell the governor's jet on eBay. She thought it was wasteful and, besides, couldn't even land on many of the state's short, gravel airstrips. ("It was for out-of-state trips," she said, disapprovingly.) She keeps a float plane, along with some snowmobiles, in her backyard in Wasilla. At the governor's mansion in Juneau, she got rid of the chef. The NEWSWEEK reporter asked her what working mother in her right mind would dismiss someone whose sole job was to cook for her family. She replied, "I don't want them thinking when I'm done being governor that it's normal to have a chef. It's OK for them to have macaroni and cheese."
She also trimmed down her state-trooper detail, which is why, when the NEWSWEEK reporter and the governor drove in a large SUV from her Anchorage office to her lakeside home, she was at the wheel—still talking and tapping on a BlackBerry , while seamlessly discussing the Alaska oil and gas culture; the FBI investigation into same; her views on stem-cell research (anti), abortion (anti) and gay marriage (anti, though she did say she'd uphold the law on gay-partnership rights). At some point she arranged a playdate for one of her daughters, Piper, age 6. Recognizing her, construction workers waved as she drove by. Clutching her cell phone, she cheerfully waved back.
Arriving home, she ran into the house, kicking off her shoes, grabbing her red sandals and yelling for her children. The reporter had to break it to her that she had just locked them out of the state car, and that the reporter's notebook and tape recorder were still inside. She called a state trooper from her cell phone to come unlock the car, but since she was running late (a not uncommon occurrence), they would have to borrow her son's car to head back to the next stop, the Alaska State Fair. She asked her son Track (a high-school hockey player then, now an Army private headed for Iraq) for his keys. Like any normal teenager, he dangled the keys over his head, just out of reach, and extorted a promise of a full gas tank when she returned. She took it all good-naturedly and was soon barreling off to the fair in her son's jalopy (a Toyota Camry with a cracked windshield), electronic gadgets buzzing in her pockets, still spouting her conservative theories on social policy to the reporter.
As a high-school basketball player, she was nicknamed "Sarah Barracuda." (The name makes her wince now, and she halfheartedly insisted it wasn't true.) She was an aggressive—some would say rough—point guard who never, ever, gave up until her team won the state championship. She became a kind of local goddess by the time she was 18, named "Miss Congeniality" at the same time she won the Wasilla Beauty contest (the off-putting bathing-suit competition didn't occur until she ran, unsuccessfully, to become Miss Alaska). She eloped with her high-school sweetheart to spare their families the cost of a wedding. Her husband, Todd, who is part native Alaskan, is a part-time commercial fisherman (a brutal undertaking in some Alaska weather) and has been a production manager in the North Slope oilfields. Palin has won the Iron Dog snowmobile race from Wasilla to Nome to Fairbanks—the world's longest—four times. The press now refers to him as "First Dude."
After a fitful career as a sportscaster (she imagined ESPN, but didn't want to leave Alaska), she was elected mayor of Wasilla, where her basketball-champion-beauty-pageant glow lived on, at the age of 32. "It was a sleepy town, run by good old boys. I ran as the anti-incumbent," she recalled to NEWSWEEK. Her daughter Piper was born while she was mayor. "She was born on Monday, and I went back to work on Tuesday," she said. It didn't take her long to run for lieutenant governor (she ran a respectable second in 2002) and garner a good job from the then Gov. Frank Murkowski, who made her head of the Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission.
It was in this job that Palin had her true political awakening. She says she was shocked by the corruption she saw. She left after less than a year, but not before she had blown the whistle on another commissioner, Randy Ruedrich, for doing party business on state time. Ruedrich, who also happened to be the Republican state chairman, agreed to pay a $12,000 fine for breaking state ethics laws (he's still in the job). She and others then lodged an ethics complaint against state Attorney General Gregg Ranks, who had been an adviser to Murkowski. Murkowski reprimanded Ranks, and Ranks resigned. Then she turned on Murkowski, who was running for re-election as governor, and beat him by almost 2-1 in 2006. To be sure, she was not always able to juggle family and political obligations successfully along the way. She missed so many scheduled campaign events in the governor's race that reporters began calling her "No Show Sarah." (Palin said during her run that creationism should be taught alongside evolution in schools. She was baptized in an Assembly of God church, a Pentecostal denomination that believes God created the world at every step. Maria Comella, a spokeswoman for the McCain-Palin campaign, said Palin attends different churches and does not consider herself Pentecostal.)
"Being a mom of four [now five] is an unorthodox training ground, but a great training ground," Palin told NEWSWEEK in 2007. "You have to be judge and jury in conflicts. You have to figure out a budget and how to prioritize. To be a mom you have to have more time management than any other CEO." Palin stays up late packing lunches; she gets up every day at 4:30 a.m. "Todd jokes I can sleep when I die," she says. She seems to enjoy that role of strung-out supermom, sustained by wisecracking ("What's the difference between a pit bull and a hockey mom?" she asks. " It's lipstick").
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By 2007 Palin was a hero to many in the state, the scourge of the Republican establishment. "Political analysts in Alaska refer to the 'body count' of Palin's rivals," wrote Fred Barnes in The Weekly Standard, the conservative magazine that identified Palin as "the GOP's newest star." A pollster, Dave Dittman, told Barnes, "The landscape is littered with the bodies of those who crossed Sarah." The FBI was doing its part at the same time, investigating ties between the oil companies and various lawmakers who were allegedly bribed to cut taxes for the oil companies. So far, three state legislators have gone to jail, and earlier this year the Feds indicted Sen. Ted Stevens. "Uncle Ted," the great Republican patriarch, had been bringing home the bacon for years to Alaska as chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee. (Stevens has pleaded not guilty to charges that he failed to report $250,000 in home renovations and gifts from an oil-services company.) Though Palin speaks respectfully of Senator Stevens, she has gone to war on pork-barrel projects, vetoing about 15 percent of the state's capital budget set aside for the pet projects of legislators. Her attack on pork helped endear her to McCain, who has been the leading foe of "earmarking" in the federal budget. Both McCain and Palin were vocal critics of the Bridge to Nowhere (she expressed initial support), a $223 million project in a remote Alaskan community, sponsored by Stevens and Congressman Don Young.
Palin says she is embarrassed by Alaska's national reputation as a corrupt backwater. She believes that the only way Alaska can get off the federal teat and break the domination of the big oil companies is for the state to take control of its vast natural resources, most of which are now controlled by the federal government or leased to Big Oil. She is all for drilling for oil and gas, but she wants more competition from smaller companies. Her critics have lately taken to comparing her to Hugo Chávez, the Venezuelan strongman known for seizing oil companies.
She likes to get her way. "I got that Miss Congeniality out of my system back then," she told NEWSWEEK of her beauty pageant days. Inevitably, she has made some enemies. She is currently under investigation by the state legislature in a tawdry little scandal involving alleged domestic abuse. Palin's younger sister, Molly, had been married to a state trooper named Mike Wooten. In 2005, Palin charged that Wooten had mistreated her sister and her family, including using a Taser stun gun on his 10-year-old stepson, according to state documents reported in The Wall Street Journal. Palin told state investigators that she overheard Trooper Wooten threatening her sister, "I'm gonna f–––ing shoot your dad. He's gonna get a lead bullet." An internal police investigation found that Wooten had used the stun gun on the boy (at the boy's request, according to Wooten) but threw out other charges. Wooten was suspended for five days—but not fired.
In mid-July of this year, Palin fired the Alaska Department of Public Safety commissioner, Walt Monegan. Questioned by reporters, Monegan claimed that he had been fired because he had withstood pressure from Palin and her husband to fire Trooper Wooten. "Outrageous," said Palin. But on Aug. 13, a tape recording emerged showing that a top aide to Palin, Frank Bailey, had invoked the governor's name in talking to a state police lieutenant about Monegan's failure to fire Wooten. "Todd and Sarah are scratching their heads, 'Why on earth hasn't this, why is this guy [Monegan] still representing the department? She [Palin] doesn't know why there is absolutely no action for a year on this issue." The state legislature launched an investigation into Palin for abusing the power of her office. "This is a serious investigation," says Beth Kerttula, the Alaska House Democratic leader. "It's not a witch hunt."
The investigation is scheduled to release its findings on Oct. 31—the Friday before the Tuesday presidential election. But Palin brushes off the seriousness of the investigation. "She conceded that she had an aide who went off the reservation and made a phone call that was inappropriate," said the governor's spokesman, Bill McAllister, at a press conference last Friday. But, he went on, "she is saying she never intended or thought she placed any pressure on Walt Monegan." Palin's approval ratings among Alaskans, once as high as 90 percent, have dropped to a still robust 76 percent in a recent poll.
The McCain campaign did not appear too concerned that the investigation would turn into a nasty October surprise. Asked about Palin's troubles back home, a senior McCain adviser, who declined to be named discussing private strategy, said the campaign had looked very closely at the allegations involving Palin's ex-brother-in-law and was "comfortable" that there are no shoes to drop that could complicate the campaign. The adviser declined to say if McCain had asked Palin about it directly.
Palin was a dark horse in the veepstakes, and made a late run. One of McCain's closest advisers, Sen. Lindsay Graham, had been partial to Sen. Joe Lieberman, McCain's close friend and fellow maverick in the Senate. But as a nominal Democrat who is also pro-choice, Lieberman was too unpopular with the GOP's powerful right flank. McCain had scorned Mitt Romney as a possible running mate, regarding him as too slick and opportunistic. But McCain does not like to be seen as a grudge-bearer, and he understood the former businessman Romney could bolster his own somewhat weak economic bona fides. In the end, says a McCain adviser who did not want to be quoted discussing the selection process, McCain and his aides feared that all those videos of McCain and Romney sniping at each other in the debates would be endlessly replayed by the Democrats. Still touchy about his failure to recollect how many houses he and his wife owned, McCain knew that Romney owned at least four.
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McCain barely knew Palin. He had briefly met her last winter, when he spoke before the National Governors' Association conference in Washington. But he liked what he learned about her from others, especially her willingness to take on her own party, as McCain himself often does. He liked her when they spoke by phone on the night of Sunday, Aug. 24, and by Wednesday night she was secretly winging down to Arizona. The face-to-face with McCain and his wife, Cindy, on Thursday went well; McCain made the offer.
Then it came time to fake out the press and build suspense—to take the cameras away from Barack Obama almost as soon as he finished his speech Thursday night. While cable TV played a breathless guessing game, Palin was sneaked into Middletown, Ohio, where she spent the night in an $89 room in the Manchester Inn. "Very unposh," says Nicolle Wallace, a McCain communications adviser who flew in secretly to meet the nominee. The Palin clan arrived from Alaska on a private jet, along with several McCain staffers, and checked in under the name the "Uptons." "A family reunion," an advance staffer explained to the hotel clerk.
The choice of Palin was a shocker to some conservative pundits, like Charles Krauthammer, who had hoped that McCain would play it safe and choose an unremarkable but solid running mate like Gov. Tim Pawlenty of Minnesota. The choice of Palin is historic, but it undercuts McCain's attack on Obama as a greenhorn lacking in experience, especially abroad. Palin is going to have to essentially take a crash course in foreign affairs before the Oct. 2 vice presidential debate against Joe Biden, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Her best hope may be that Biden says something condescending or goofy—actually, a possibility, given his past history. (At one Washington think tank, staffers were joking that Palin's best strategy in the debate would be to cede all her time to Biden.)
Still, McCain allies were spinning as madly and creatively as they could. "If she can stand up to Ted Stevens, she can stand up to the Russians," says Graham. "She's the commander of the Alaska National Guard. What the hell has Biden commanded?" The Obama campaign came out sneering: "Today, John McCain put the former mayor of a town of 9,000 with zero foreign policy experience a heartbeat away from the presidency," said spokesman Bill Burton. But later, Obama told reporters, "She seems like a compelling person, with a terrific personal story." He seemed to dismiss his own spokesman's "hair trigger" comments. Obama may have just been playing the good cop. Or maybe he was just telling the truth.
With Holly Bailey, Michael Isikoff, Tony Hopfinger and Suzanne Smalley
Lifestyle - Gourmet Outdoor Dining
Picnics can be haute. Since 1999, a small Santa Cruz, California-based organization called Outstanding in the Field has created a traveling "restaurant without walls," roving the United States hosting dining events on beaches, ranches, vineyards and the like. Top chefs hailing from food hot spots such as San Francisco, New York and Chicago fly in to handpicked venues—from Napa Valley, California, to Miami—and whip up five-star meals using all local ingredients and wines. The spread is served outdoors on a long white-linen-clad table that seats up to 140 guests, who come from all over the world to experience owner Jim Denevan's creation for themselves. Denevan, an artist, chef and one of the founders of the wildly popular Slow Food movement, has hosted only a few foreign events in the past, mainly in Italy. Now the group is undergoing a global expansion, with a meal planned in Montepulciano, Italy, for Aug. 27 and more in the works in Spain and France for 2009. Additionally, six dinners in Australia are tentatively on the calendar for February. When asked where his dream locale for a future event would be, Denevan responds: "Antarctica … I want to hold one on all seven continents." For a complete schedule of dates or to register for an event, visit the Web site at outstandinginthefield.com. Tickets run between $150 and $300 a head.
Lifestyle - NewDelhi's booming dining scene gains another gem
In a drive to remain top table in New Delhi's fast-growing fine-dining scene, in August the Taj Mahal Hotel opened its second new restaurant in as many months. This flashy Indian eatery is already attracting the city's swish set.
Ambience: Varq merges traditional Indian artifacts—such as the gold and silver foils, used to decorate sweets, from which the restaurant takes its name—with clean-lined contemporary furnishings to give the quiet dining room an elegant but comfortable feel.
Food: Chef Hemant Oberoi from Mumbai has endeavored to make Indian cuisine haute again by subjecting sometimes forgotten ingredients—like goose liver, pumpkin and scallops—to new preparations. Dishes are served in courses (not family style), so that entrees like Varqui crab (a mille-feuille of peppered crab and tandoori prawns) stand out in individual brilliance.
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Desserts: Don't miss the eye-popping sweets, prepared on the spot at a counter in the dining area. The best of the bunch is a concoction of kulfi—an Indian ice cream—called Dome.
Service: The wait staff is attentive without being overbearing. Tea drinkers should take advantage of expert advice on pairing infusions with the various dishes. But ignore the hard sell on the pricey degustation menu and compose your own meal.
Ambience: Varq merges traditional Indian artifacts—such as the gold and silver foils, used to decorate sweets, from which the restaurant takes its name—with clean-lined contemporary furnishings to give the quiet dining room an elegant but comfortable feel.
Food: Chef Hemant Oberoi from Mumbai has endeavored to make Indian cuisine haute again by subjecting sometimes forgotten ingredients—like goose liver, pumpkin and scallops—to new preparations. Dishes are served in courses (not family style), so that entrees like Varqui crab (a mille-feuille of peppered crab and tandoori prawns) stand out in individual brilliance.
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Desserts: Don't miss the eye-popping sweets, prepared on the spot at a counter in the dining area. The best of the bunch is a concoction of kulfi—an Indian ice cream—called Dome.
Service: The wait staff is attentive without being overbearing. Tea drinkers should take advantage of expert advice on pairing infusions with the various dishes. But ignore the hard sell on the pricey degustation menu and compose your own meal.
World - Labour party rebels against Gordon Brown
Talk about gallows humor. One Thursday morning in July, a small group of M.P.s trooped into 10 Downing Street for breakfast with the prime minister in the Cabinet Room. Crashing in the polls, Gordon Brown had invited them as part of a series of morale-boosting get-togethers. Before Brown arrived—looking "awful," his fingernails chewed to the quick, one of his visitors recalls—a couple of Brown's guests, like puckish schoolboys on a museum tour, paused by a gleaming ceremonial sword displayed on a side table. "Do you think somebody put it there," one whispered to the other, "just in case he wants to, you know, do himself in?"
It's gotten that bad for Brown. The former chancellor of the Exchequer's reputation for economic competence has been erased by bad economic news and forecasts of slower growth and rising unemployment. A Scotsman, he has led Labour to a string of embarrassing electoral defeats, most recently this July in the former party stronghold of Glasgow East, his home ground. His plodding ways at a time of a worsening international credit crunch and disenchantment at home after more than 11 years of Labour rule are killing his party in the polls. According to one newspaper analysis, the party is destined to lose nearly half its seats in the next national election, its worst showing since 1935.
Brown may not even make it that far. An increasingly serious plot to unseat him has electrified British politics—all the more so because allies of former prime minister Tony Blair are rallying behind another potential boy wonder, Foreign Secretary David Miliband, in an endeavor to save the party. The betting among M.P.s and political professionals is that there's a 50-50 chance Brown will not last out the year. The case against Brown is "pure and simple," said one angry M.P., who like others in this saga spoke anonymously because of the sensitivity of the matter. "Either he goes or the party dies."
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In a parliamentary system like Britain's, a prime minister can fall at astonishing speed. Recall that Margaret Thatcher was toppled in 1990 less than a month after the resignation of a key cabinet minister over policy differences. Now London papers are full of reports of ministerial resignations, and three M.P.s who were cabinet members under Blair—Alan Milburn, Stephen Byers and Charles Clarke—have publicly criticized Brown for nudging Labour to the left and shying away from some of the more radical free-market reforms.
Even if Brown, 57, hangs on until the last possible date for a general election, June 3, 2010, it appears that the Blair-Brown era of British politics is drawing to a close. The Conservative Party has recovered from more than a decade in the political wilderness, and now looks likely to return to power under the fresh leadership of David Cameron, 41. Meanwhile, a new, younger generation of Labour politicians will have to resolve the tensions between the Brownite wing and the now emboldened Blairites. The party is split along a left-right divide. Blair was unabashedly pro-business and anti-union; he enjoyed the support of organized labor only because it had no other party to turn to. Brown's policy instincts are more traditionally to the left of Blair's. Furthermore, because Labour is deep in debt and weaker politically than it was during the early Blair years, it is, under Brown, depending more and more on its union allies for financial support. Labour's next generation will have to address the debilitating left-right fissure if the party is to move forward once again.
Miliband is the unofficial leader of the Blairite rebellion. He once headed Blair's policy unit at No. 10, spearheading reforms that Brown, as chancellor, sometimes sought to block. At the end of July, Miliband wrote an article in The Guardian setting out his vision for Labour's credo and his critique of Cameron. He defined Labour doctrine as he would like to see it ("a political creed … combining government action and personal freedom") and made a lucid attack on Cameron as "a politician of the status quo" (unlike Thatcher, "he is a conservative, not a radical. He doesn't share a restlessness for change. He may be likable and sometimes hard to disagree with, but he is empty").
In the view of many M.P.s, including even some of his own supporters, Brown has not been able to articulate a vision of what he and Labour stand for, nor has he mounted such a coherent criticism of the Tory opposition. Instead, he seems to favor staccato announcements and reannouncements of initiatives and reviews over a clear and overarching political message. But it was the fact that Miliband didn't once mention Brown's name that was interpreted—correctly, according to sources close to Miliband—as an attack on Brown and a bid by Miliband to replace him as party leader. (Speaking of coded messages, you'll find the 43-year-old Miliband in Facebook, with the famous No. 10 door as the backdrop to his profile photo. Cheeky, as the Brits say.)
Miliband was not acting alone. It's apparent from the language of his piece that Phil Collins, a former speechwriter for Blair and a veteran of think tanks that were incubators of Blairite thinking, had a hand in it. In June Collins had helped to write another critique of the Tories (titled "Radicals or Conservatives?") by James Purnell, a 38-year-old former special adviser to Blair who is now secretary of state for Work and Pensions in the Brown government. Along with a growing contingent of Blairite M.P.s, a number of other Blair-era aides are reported to be informally advising Miliband, including Peter Hyman, another former speechwriter, and D. J. Collins, a former Whitehall special adviser.
Blair himself has scrupulously avoided any connection to plots against Brown. He's kept busy with the work of his various foundations and his role as special Middle East envoy for the Quartet, the foursome made up of the United States, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations. But recently a memo came to light in which Blair analyzed Brown's spectacular drop in popularity after last year's Labour Party Conference. In the memo, written last autumn but leaked to a newspaper in early August, Blair criticizes the "hubris and vacuity" of the Labour conference, and complains that Brown "junked" the Blair "policy agenda but had nothing to put in its place." Perhaps most cruelly, Blair dismisses Brown's ability to fix what's wrong. "I am passing this message on to G.B.—not in these terms—and will try to help; but at present, there is every indication that the lessons will not be learnt."
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Brown won't be easy to force out. He spent a two-week holiday on the Suffolk coast devising new policy initiatives and public-relations strategies. He reportedly hired a personal trainer to help get him fit for the brewing fight. Over the coming weeks, Brown will throw the full weight of his government behind what amounts to a personal rescue operation. The word is out that the government may suspend the "stamp duty" tax of 1 percent on residential home purchases below £250,000. With fuel prices as high as they are—gasoline sells for £1.23 per liter—he may offer some people price breaks. He will probably reshuffle his cabinet in early September.
Bold personnel changes could demonstrate strength, dominate the news for a while, entrench his supporters and possibly even straitjacket some rivals in the cabinet, like Miliband, by keeping them busy with new jobs. Brown will then briefly transplant the entire cabinet from Whitehall to well outside London to try to show he hasn't lost touch with the people. Finally, though showmanship has never been his forte, he will use the party conference and his big speech there to try to relaunch himself and his government by pledging, among other things, to steer Britain safely through troubled economic waters.
But at some level Brown must know that there is very little he can do to satisfy the members of the unofficial Dump Gordon movement. They bitterly resented his involvement in the "coup" against Blair two years ago. They also complain that Brown, as chancellor, thwarted some of Blair's public-service reforms that were more market-oriented than Brown would have liked. Indeed, they blame Brown, along with the costly and unpopular war in Iraq, for many of the perceived shortcomings of Blair's years in office. In their view, Brown—politically to the left of Blair, harboring a grudge against him over the leadership showdown between them many years ago, a man once described by a Blair aide as "psychologically flawed"—was bound not only to play a role in Blair's undoing but also to make a poor prime minister.Still, it would be wrong to see the drama unfolding this summer as being all about the past—as a vainglorious refighting of the Blair-Brown feud that consumed so much time and energy during Blair I, II and III, and now Brown I. The more important battle concerns the nature of the Labour Party after Blair and Brown are both gone and the Conservative Party readies itself for power once again. "For the Labour Party to have a future, it has to overcome the gulf of the past," says a source close to Miliband. Whether Miliband is the one to breach the chasm remains an open question. But whoever does it and whenever it is done, Gordon Brown will have to get out of the way first.
It's gotten that bad for Brown. The former chancellor of the Exchequer's reputation for economic competence has been erased by bad economic news and forecasts of slower growth and rising unemployment. A Scotsman, he has led Labour to a string of embarrassing electoral defeats, most recently this July in the former party stronghold of Glasgow East, his home ground. His plodding ways at a time of a worsening international credit crunch and disenchantment at home after more than 11 years of Labour rule are killing his party in the polls. According to one newspaper analysis, the party is destined to lose nearly half its seats in the next national election, its worst showing since 1935.
Brown may not even make it that far. An increasingly serious plot to unseat him has electrified British politics—all the more so because allies of former prime minister Tony Blair are rallying behind another potential boy wonder, Foreign Secretary David Miliband, in an endeavor to save the party. The betting among M.P.s and political professionals is that there's a 50-50 chance Brown will not last out the year. The case against Brown is "pure and simple," said one angry M.P., who like others in this saga spoke anonymously because of the sensitivity of the matter. "Either he goes or the party dies."
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
In a parliamentary system like Britain's, a prime minister can fall at astonishing speed. Recall that Margaret Thatcher was toppled in 1990 less than a month after the resignation of a key cabinet minister over policy differences. Now London papers are full of reports of ministerial resignations, and three M.P.s who were cabinet members under Blair—Alan Milburn, Stephen Byers and Charles Clarke—have publicly criticized Brown for nudging Labour to the left and shying away from some of the more radical free-market reforms.
Even if Brown, 57, hangs on until the last possible date for a general election, June 3, 2010, it appears that the Blair-Brown era of British politics is drawing to a close. The Conservative Party has recovered from more than a decade in the political wilderness, and now looks likely to return to power under the fresh leadership of David Cameron, 41. Meanwhile, a new, younger generation of Labour politicians will have to resolve the tensions between the Brownite wing and the now emboldened Blairites. The party is split along a left-right divide. Blair was unabashedly pro-business and anti-union; he enjoyed the support of organized labor only because it had no other party to turn to. Brown's policy instincts are more traditionally to the left of Blair's. Furthermore, because Labour is deep in debt and weaker politically than it was during the early Blair years, it is, under Brown, depending more and more on its union allies for financial support. Labour's next generation will have to address the debilitating left-right fissure if the party is to move forward once again.
Miliband is the unofficial leader of the Blairite rebellion. He once headed Blair's policy unit at No. 10, spearheading reforms that Brown, as chancellor, sometimes sought to block. At the end of July, Miliband wrote an article in The Guardian setting out his vision for Labour's credo and his critique of Cameron. He defined Labour doctrine as he would like to see it ("a political creed … combining government action and personal freedom") and made a lucid attack on Cameron as "a politician of the status quo" (unlike Thatcher, "he is a conservative, not a radical. He doesn't share a restlessness for change. He may be likable and sometimes hard to disagree with, but he is empty").
In the view of many M.P.s, including even some of his own supporters, Brown has not been able to articulate a vision of what he and Labour stand for, nor has he mounted such a coherent criticism of the Tory opposition. Instead, he seems to favor staccato announcements and reannouncements of initiatives and reviews over a clear and overarching political message. But it was the fact that Miliband didn't once mention Brown's name that was interpreted—correctly, according to sources close to Miliband—as an attack on Brown and a bid by Miliband to replace him as party leader. (Speaking of coded messages, you'll find the 43-year-old Miliband in Facebook, with the famous No. 10 door as the backdrop to his profile photo. Cheeky, as the Brits say.)
Miliband was not acting alone. It's apparent from the language of his piece that Phil Collins, a former speechwriter for Blair and a veteran of think tanks that were incubators of Blairite thinking, had a hand in it. In June Collins had helped to write another critique of the Tories (titled "Radicals or Conservatives?") by James Purnell, a 38-year-old former special adviser to Blair who is now secretary of state for Work and Pensions in the Brown government. Along with a growing contingent of Blairite M.P.s, a number of other Blair-era aides are reported to be informally advising Miliband, including Peter Hyman, another former speechwriter, and D. J. Collins, a former Whitehall special adviser.
Blair himself has scrupulously avoided any connection to plots against Brown. He's kept busy with the work of his various foundations and his role as special Middle East envoy for the Quartet, the foursome made up of the United States, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations. But recently a memo came to light in which Blair analyzed Brown's spectacular drop in popularity after last year's Labour Party Conference. In the memo, written last autumn but leaked to a newspaper in early August, Blair criticizes the "hubris and vacuity" of the Labour conference, and complains that Brown "junked" the Blair "policy agenda but had nothing to put in its place." Perhaps most cruelly, Blair dismisses Brown's ability to fix what's wrong. "I am passing this message on to G.B.—not in these terms—and will try to help; but at present, there is every indication that the lessons will not be learnt."
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Brown won't be easy to force out. He spent a two-week holiday on the Suffolk coast devising new policy initiatives and public-relations strategies. He reportedly hired a personal trainer to help get him fit for the brewing fight. Over the coming weeks, Brown will throw the full weight of his government behind what amounts to a personal rescue operation. The word is out that the government may suspend the "stamp duty" tax of 1 percent on residential home purchases below £250,000. With fuel prices as high as they are—gasoline sells for £1.23 per liter—he may offer some people price breaks. He will probably reshuffle his cabinet in early September.
Bold personnel changes could demonstrate strength, dominate the news for a while, entrench his supporters and possibly even straitjacket some rivals in the cabinet, like Miliband, by keeping them busy with new jobs. Brown will then briefly transplant the entire cabinet from Whitehall to well outside London to try to show he hasn't lost touch with the people. Finally, though showmanship has never been his forte, he will use the party conference and his big speech there to try to relaunch himself and his government by pledging, among other things, to steer Britain safely through troubled economic waters.
But at some level Brown must know that there is very little he can do to satisfy the members of the unofficial Dump Gordon movement. They bitterly resented his involvement in the "coup" against Blair two years ago. They also complain that Brown, as chancellor, thwarted some of Blair's public-service reforms that were more market-oriented than Brown would have liked. Indeed, they blame Brown, along with the costly and unpopular war in Iraq, for many of the perceived shortcomings of Blair's years in office. In their view, Brown—politically to the left of Blair, harboring a grudge against him over the leadership showdown between them many years ago, a man once described by a Blair aide as "psychologically flawed"—was bound not only to play a role in Blair's undoing but also to make a poor prime minister.Still, it would be wrong to see the drama unfolding this summer as being all about the past—as a vainglorious refighting of the Blair-Brown feud that consumed so much time and energy during Blair I, II and III, and now Brown I. The more important battle concerns the nature of the Labour Party after Blair and Brown are both gone and the Conservative Party readies itself for power once again. "For the Labour Party to have a future, it has to overcome the gulf of the past," says a source close to Miliband. Whether Miliband is the one to breach the chasm remains an open question. But whoever does it and whenever it is done, Gordon Brown will have to get out of the way first.
World - Watching the watchers;London
Britain, somewhat proudly, has been crowned the most watched society in the world. The country boasts 4.2 million security cameras (one for every 14 people), a number expected to double in the next decade. A typical Londoner makes an estimated 300 closed-circuit television (CCTV) appearances a day, according to the British nonprofit Surveillance Studies Network, an average easily met in the short walk between Trafalgar Square and the Houses of Parliament. Public opinion on this state of affairs is generally positive, according to recent polls. And how useful is CCTV in busting bad guys? Not much, according to Scotland Yard. In terms of cost benefit, the enormous expenditure has done very little in actually preventing and solving crime.
Right under Big Brother's nose, a new class of guerrilla artists and hackers are commandeering the boring, grainy images of vacant parking lots and empty corridors for their own purposes. For about $80 at any electronics supply store and some technical know-how, it is possible to tap into London's CCTV hotspots with a simple wireless receiver (sold with any home-security camera) and a battery to power it. Dubbed "video sniffing," the pastime evolved out of the days before broadband became widely available, when "war-chalkers" scouted the city for unsecured Wi-Fi networks and marked them with chalk using special symbols. Sniffing is catching on in other parts of Europe, as well as in New York and Brazil, spread by a small but globally connected community of practitioners. "It's actually a really relaxing thing to do on a Sunday," says Joao Wilbert, a master's student in interactive media, who slowly paces the streets in London like a treasure hunter, carefully watching a tiny handheld monitor for something to flicker onto the screen.
These excursions pick up obscure, random shots from the upper corners of restaurants and hotel lobbies, or of a young couple shopping in a housewares department nearby. Eerily, baby cribs are the most common images. Wireless child monitors work on the same frequency as other surveillance systems, and are almost never encrypted or secured.
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Given that sniffing is illegal, some artists have found another way to obtain security footage: they ask for it, in a letter along with a check for £10. In making her film "Faceless," Austrian-born artist Manu Luksch made use of a little-known law, included within Britain's Data Protection Act, requiring CCTV operators to release a copy of their footage upon the request of anyone captured on their cameras. "Within the maximum period of 40 days I received some recordings in my mail," says Luksch. "And I thought, Wow, that works well. Why not make a feature length, science-fiction love story?" After four years of performing, staging large dance ensembles in public atriums and submitting the proper paperwork, Luksch produced a haunting, beautifully choreographed film and social commentary, in which the operators have blocked out each and every performer's face, in compliance with Britain's privacy laws.
"The Duelists," one of the more well known CCTV movies, was shot by filmmaker David Valentine entirely with the security cameras in a mall in Manchester. He was able to cajole his way into the control booth for the project, but Valentine is also one of the people credited with having advanced video sniffing to an art form and social tool. He's collaborated with MediaShed, an organization based in Southend-on-Sea just outside London that works with homeless youth, using sniffing as a way to gain their interest and re-engage them with society. The organization has even received the blessing of the rather conservative local council.
In some cases video sniffing has morphed into a form of hacking, in which the sniffer does more than just watch. Using a transmitter strong enough to override the frequency that most cameras use, sniffers can hijack wireless networks and broadcast different images back to the security desk. MediaShed used the device to broadcast an Atari-style videogame animation of a spaceship flying over its town to unsuspecting security guards. A group of sniffers in Oldenburg, Germany have been devising a way to sniff and hijack all at once, using the cameras mounted behind the counters at fast-food joints to watch employees. They've broadcasted McDonald's to Burger King, Burger King to KFC, and so on.
Most sniffers, hijackers and artists using CCTV are critical of the present level of surveillance, but they're also interested in establishing a dialogue about what is typically a secretive arrangement. The ability to tap into wireless surveillance systems and take them over points out a flaw in the elaborate security apparatus that has evolved around us.
As anthropologists tell us, the act of observation changes what's being observed. Cameras "reorder the environment," says Graham Harwood, artistic director of the group Mongrel, which specializes in digital media. That's especially true of saturated London. Like "flash mobs" and "wifipicning," both large, spontaneous gatherings of people centered around communications technology, sniffing and hijacking could become the next high-tech social phenomenon. Of course, it will likely disappear quickly once the surveillance industry catches on to the shenanigans and beefs up its security. But the cameras will remain.
Right under Big Brother's nose, a new class of guerrilla artists and hackers are commandeering the boring, grainy images of vacant parking lots and empty corridors for their own purposes. For about $80 at any electronics supply store and some technical know-how, it is possible to tap into London's CCTV hotspots with a simple wireless receiver (sold with any home-security camera) and a battery to power it. Dubbed "video sniffing," the pastime evolved out of the days before broadband became widely available, when "war-chalkers" scouted the city for unsecured Wi-Fi networks and marked them with chalk using special symbols. Sniffing is catching on in other parts of Europe, as well as in New York and Brazil, spread by a small but globally connected community of practitioners. "It's actually a really relaxing thing to do on a Sunday," says Joao Wilbert, a master's student in interactive media, who slowly paces the streets in London like a treasure hunter, carefully watching a tiny handheld monitor for something to flicker onto the screen.
These excursions pick up obscure, random shots from the upper corners of restaurants and hotel lobbies, or of a young couple shopping in a housewares department nearby. Eerily, baby cribs are the most common images. Wireless child monitors work on the same frequency as other surveillance systems, and are almost never encrypted or secured.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Given that sniffing is illegal, some artists have found another way to obtain security footage: they ask for it, in a letter along with a check for £10. In making her film "Faceless," Austrian-born artist Manu Luksch made use of a little-known law, included within Britain's Data Protection Act, requiring CCTV operators to release a copy of their footage upon the request of anyone captured on their cameras. "Within the maximum period of 40 days I received some recordings in my mail," says Luksch. "And I thought, Wow, that works well. Why not make a feature length, science-fiction love story?" After four years of performing, staging large dance ensembles in public atriums and submitting the proper paperwork, Luksch produced a haunting, beautifully choreographed film and social commentary, in which the operators have blocked out each and every performer's face, in compliance with Britain's privacy laws.
"The Duelists," one of the more well known CCTV movies, was shot by filmmaker David Valentine entirely with the security cameras in a mall in Manchester. He was able to cajole his way into the control booth for the project, but Valentine is also one of the people credited with having advanced video sniffing to an art form and social tool. He's collaborated with MediaShed, an organization based in Southend-on-Sea just outside London that works with homeless youth, using sniffing as a way to gain their interest and re-engage them with society. The organization has even received the blessing of the rather conservative local council.
In some cases video sniffing has morphed into a form of hacking, in which the sniffer does more than just watch. Using a transmitter strong enough to override the frequency that most cameras use, sniffers can hijack wireless networks and broadcast different images back to the security desk. MediaShed used the device to broadcast an Atari-style videogame animation of a spaceship flying over its town to unsuspecting security guards. A group of sniffers in Oldenburg, Germany have been devising a way to sniff and hijack all at once, using the cameras mounted behind the counters at fast-food joints to watch employees. They've broadcasted McDonald's to Burger King, Burger King to KFC, and so on.
Most sniffers, hijackers and artists using CCTV are critical of the present level of surveillance, but they're also interested in establishing a dialogue about what is typically a secretive arrangement. The ability to tap into wireless surveillance systems and take them over points out a flaw in the elaborate security apparatus that has evolved around us.
As anthropologists tell us, the act of observation changes what's being observed. Cameras "reorder the environment," says Graham Harwood, artistic director of the group Mongrel, which specializes in digital media. That's especially true of saturated London. Like "flash mobs" and "wifipicning," both large, spontaneous gatherings of people centered around communications technology, sniffing and hijacking could become the next high-tech social phenomenon. Of course, it will likely disappear quickly once the surveillance industry catches on to the shenanigans and beefs up its security. But the cameras will remain.
World - Russia looks to grain as new strategic investment
With food prices rising and riots shaking regimes from Haiti to Egypt, a backlash is growing against global free markets. Governments from Moscow to Buenos Aires are moving to regulate grain prices, supplies and distribution. Like oil, food supply is becoming a strategic commodity that central authorities are keener than ever to command. Top producers including Kazakhstan and Indonesia have slapped total bans on wheat and rice exports, respectively, while Argentina and India have imposed prohibitive export tariffs. Russia may go further. The government is mooting a new state agency that would own Russia's 28 biggest grain elevators and shipping terminals, including the export terminal in the Black Sea port of Novorossisk. The idea, says analyst Tanya Costello of Eurasia Group, reflects an "emerging anti-inflation strategy of increased use of administrative and prosecutorial powers to suppress prices."
The results are predictable. Export controls are making global food inflation and shortages worse, while acting as a self-imposed penalty on grain-producing nations that could be capitalizing on high prices. And since history shows that price controls tend to backfire—recall that inflation helped topple the Soviet Union—it's odd to see Moscow leading the move backward. Some Western agribusiness investors fear that if the Russian state redefines grain as a strategic sector, like oils or aerospace, restrictions on prices, trading activity and foreign investment could follow. Clearly, "a number of countries," from Brazil and Egypt, to major rice exporters like Thailand and India, are rethinking the whole idea that market liberalization is "the wave of the future," says Peter Timmer of Stanford University's Program on Food Security and Environment. "I would not be surprised to see government-controlled grain logistics firms play a much bigger role over the next decade."
The Kremlin move comes at an inopportune time. Russia has the world's largest expanse of good farmland—127 million hectares—but most of it is underused for lack of money. Michel Orlov, president of Black Earth Farming, Russia's largest agribusiness, figures that with investment and know-how, the grain harvest could rise from 90 million metric tons last year to more than 250 million tons. With the world's population rising fast, that would make grain a "massive strategic instrument in the hands of Russia." But shares of Black Earth sank 20 percent in July after the Russian Agriculture minister threatened to "look into foreign capital buying up farmland." Orlov welcomes some regulation, but insists Russian farms "need all the money they can get, regardless of what passport it has." That means more free markets, not more state companies.
The results are predictable. Export controls are making global food inflation and shortages worse, while acting as a self-imposed penalty on grain-producing nations that could be capitalizing on high prices. And since history shows that price controls tend to backfire—recall that inflation helped topple the Soviet Union—it's odd to see Moscow leading the move backward. Some Western agribusiness investors fear that if the Russian state redefines grain as a strategic sector, like oils or aerospace, restrictions on prices, trading activity and foreign investment could follow. Clearly, "a number of countries," from Brazil and Egypt, to major rice exporters like Thailand and India, are rethinking the whole idea that market liberalization is "the wave of the future," says Peter Timmer of Stanford University's Program on Food Security and Environment. "I would not be surprised to see government-controlled grain logistics firms play a much bigger role over the next decade."
The Kremlin move comes at an inopportune time. Russia has the world's largest expanse of good farmland—127 million hectares—but most of it is underused for lack of money. Michel Orlov, president of Black Earth Farming, Russia's largest agribusiness, figures that with investment and know-how, the grain harvest could rise from 90 million metric tons last year to more than 250 million tons. With the world's population rising fast, that would make grain a "massive strategic instrument in the hands of Russia." But shares of Black Earth sank 20 percent in July after the Russian Agriculture minister threatened to "look into foreign capital buying up farmland." Orlov welcomes some regulation, but insists Russian farms "need all the money they can get, regardless of what passport it has." That means more free markets, not more state companies.
Lifestyle - Sexsomnia;Rare form of Sleep Walking
When Jan Luedecke of Toronto was arrested and tried for sexual assault, he had an unusual defense—he did it in his sleep. Really. It may sound farfetched, but Luedecke, who was 33 at his 2005 trial, had a history of sleepwalking. On the night in question, he'd been drinking at a party and found himself sacked out on the couch with a woman he'd met there. Hours later, she jolted him awake and demanded to know what he was doing. Luedecke claimed he was unaware he was having sex with her. "Under the law, if there's no intent to commit a crime, you haven't committed a crime," says Dr. Colin Shapiro, director of the Youthdale Child and Adolescent Sleep Center in Toronto, who testified for the defense. Luedecke was acquitted (to the outrage of women's organizations in Canada), and the case is now on appeal.
Add sex to the roster of unlikely sleep behaviors known as parasomnias, which range from sleep driving to sleep eating. Last week psychiatrist Carlos Schenck and neurologist Mark Mahowald of the Minnesota Regional Sleep Disorders Center published a review article in the journal Sleep on what they call "sleepsex," or "sexsomnia." Think of it as a more advanced form of sleepwalking. It covers the full gamut of sexual activity, from fondling to intercourse, with one crucial difference. The patients apparently have no conscious awareness of what they're doing and, when wakened, have no recollection of it.
Is this for real? Reported cases are still rare—Schenck and Mahowald found only 31 in the medical literature. But they say that's partly because of the embarrassing nature of the problem and partly because there's so little public awareness of it. Sexsomnia was not even recognized by the American Academy of Sleep Medicine until 2005. Psychologist Michael Mangan at the University of New Hampshire, author of the 2001 book "Sleepsex: Uncovered," believes there are far more cases than the literature would indicate. He maintains a Web site on sleepsex that has registered comments from more than 1,000 sufferers.
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Sleepsex is far different from your average sexual dream. Dreams occur during REM sleep, when the body is largely paralyzed. Sleepsex takes place during partial arousal from deep sleep, when one is free to move. Dreams can be remembered later, under the right circumstances. But sleepsex appears to belong to a mental netherworld in which brain regions devoted to higher thought, judgment and reasoning are shut down, while areas governing more primitive functions (such as locomotion, eating and sex) are still active. Put them together, and it can be a bad combination for someone who is already predisposed to sleepwalking or other parasomnias. For such a person, anything that induces more deep sleep—such as excessive alcohol consumption or persistent sleep deprivation—only increases the risk.
Granted, sleepsex sounds amusing—and some of the cases have their comical aspects. "One man had been initiating intercourse on almost a nightly basis," says Mangan. That was apparently fine with his wife, until "one night he started snoring." In another case, a female sexsomniac routinely groped her husband. Whenever he responded, says Schenck, "she would wake up and accuse him of forcing sex on her while she slept."
But doctors emphasize that sleepsex can lead to both physical and psychological damage. Bed partners have been known to suffer lacerations. (It's not uncommon, Schenck explains, for male sexsomniacs to display much rougher behavior during sleepsex than waking sex.) One man masturbated in his sleep with such energy that he suffered "repeated bruising of the penis" and avoided sexual intercourse for more than eight years. A man in Singapore masturbated in his sleep every night, leaving his wife feeling "cheated." "People experience real problems in relationships because of it," says Mangan.
Schenck and Mahowald hope that publicizing the existence of sexsomnia will cause more people to seek help. The condition is highly treatable with the generic anti-anxiety drug clonazepam. Seeking help can only work to a sufferer's advantage. After all, if you're going to have sex, you might as well enjoy it.
Add sex to the roster of unlikely sleep behaviors known as parasomnias, which range from sleep driving to sleep eating. Last week psychiatrist Carlos Schenck and neurologist Mark Mahowald of the Minnesota Regional Sleep Disorders Center published a review article in the journal Sleep on what they call "sleepsex," or "sexsomnia." Think of it as a more advanced form of sleepwalking. It covers the full gamut of sexual activity, from fondling to intercourse, with one crucial difference. The patients apparently have no conscious awareness of what they're doing and, when wakened, have no recollection of it.
Is this for real? Reported cases are still rare—Schenck and Mahowald found only 31 in the medical literature. But they say that's partly because of the embarrassing nature of the problem and partly because there's so little public awareness of it. Sexsomnia was not even recognized by the American Academy of Sleep Medicine until 2005. Psychologist Michael Mangan at the University of New Hampshire, author of the 2001 book "Sleepsex: Uncovered," believes there are far more cases than the literature would indicate. He maintains a Web site on sleepsex that has registered comments from more than 1,000 sufferers.
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Sleepsex is far different from your average sexual dream. Dreams occur during REM sleep, when the body is largely paralyzed. Sleepsex takes place during partial arousal from deep sleep, when one is free to move. Dreams can be remembered later, under the right circumstances. But sleepsex appears to belong to a mental netherworld in which brain regions devoted to higher thought, judgment and reasoning are shut down, while areas governing more primitive functions (such as locomotion, eating and sex) are still active. Put them together, and it can be a bad combination for someone who is already predisposed to sleepwalking or other parasomnias. For such a person, anything that induces more deep sleep—such as excessive alcohol consumption or persistent sleep deprivation—only increases the risk.
Granted, sleepsex sounds amusing—and some of the cases have their comical aspects. "One man had been initiating intercourse on almost a nightly basis," says Mangan. That was apparently fine with his wife, until "one night he started snoring." In another case, a female sexsomniac routinely groped her husband. Whenever he responded, says Schenck, "she would wake up and accuse him of forcing sex on her while she slept."
But doctors emphasize that sleepsex can lead to both physical and psychological damage. Bed partners have been known to suffer lacerations. (It's not uncommon, Schenck explains, for male sexsomniacs to display much rougher behavior during sleepsex than waking sex.) One man masturbated in his sleep with such energy that he suffered "repeated bruising of the penis" and avoided sexual intercourse for more than eight years. A man in Singapore masturbated in his sleep every night, leaving his wife feeling "cheated." "People experience real problems in relationships because of it," says Mangan.
Schenck and Mahowald hope that publicizing the existence of sexsomnia will cause more people to seek help. The condition is highly treatable with the generic anti-anxiety drug clonazepam. Seeking help can only work to a sufferer's advantage. After all, if you're going to have sex, you might as well enjoy it.
Health - Does shaving make hair grow back thicker ?
The hair shaft tapers at the end. "When you shave it, you're crossing the midshaft, so it seems like it's thicker and more coarse," explains Dr. Robin Ashinoff, director of cosmetic dermatology at Hackensack University Medical Center. "But it's not."
The stubble feels stiffer because it's cut straight across, exposing the thicker part of the shaft, and because it's short. "As it gets longer it feels softer," says Dr. D'Anne Kleinsmith, a dermatologist in West Bloomfield, Mich. Hair may also look darker after you shave, but that's not true either. "You just see these little dots against your normal skin color, and it just looks that way," says Kleinsmith.
To get the best shave, use a new, sharp razor—and take your time. Shave down the leg, in the direction the hair grows, particularly if you have sensitive skin. "The reason that we shave against the grain is we're trying to get a really close shave," says Kleinsmith. "Your legs feel silkier, but then the hair can become ingrown." If you have curly hair that's prone to becoming ingrown from shaving, you may want to consider laser hair removal. Lasers work best on people with light skin and dark hair.
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Shave at the end of a bath or shower. The warm water "softens up the hair so it comes out easier," says Dr. Marjory Nigro, a Houston dermatologist. And use shaving cream to lubricate and soften the hair. Leave it on for a few minutes. Creams help the blade "slide easier," says Dr. Kenneth Bielinski, a dermatologist in Orland Park, Ill. They also reduce irritation.
After shaving, moisturize. In the shaving process "you're not just stripping off the hair, you're stripping off the top layer of the skin, and along with it the oil that's on the surface of the skin," says Kleinsmith. The day you shave you may also want to avoid moisturizers with fragrances and alcohol, since they may irritate your skin. In general, however, your skin should look better after shaving because you're removing that dull skin layer.
If you tend to get razor bumps, apply over-the-counter cortisone cream right after you shave. "It works like a charm," says Nigro. Why do some people get those bumps? "When you shave, you make little traumas on the skin. When the hair starts growing back, skin grows to heal the area you shaved. The hole is plugged up," says Nigro. "The little razor bump is a hair trying to come back in an area that is covered."
Products like Nair are fine too. "Nair is the same as shaving. The difference with Nair is it melts the hair," says Nigro. "It's a personal preference. The effect on the hair is the same."
Some women may prefer waxing, which can decrease hair growth over time because the pulling traumatizes the roots so much, says Nigro. And some women use another pulling method, called threading, which is popular in Indian salons.
Going for a pedicure? Or for a swim in your local lake? Shave the day before, not the day of, because shaving exposes your skin to bacteria. Immediately after shaving, bacteria from a pedicure tub or a lake can get under your skin more easily. "The day you shave, you should be more careful with what you put on your skin," says Nigro. "Every time you shave your leg, you make tiny little openings all over the place."
The stubble feels stiffer because it's cut straight across, exposing the thicker part of the shaft, and because it's short. "As it gets longer it feels softer," says Dr. D'Anne Kleinsmith, a dermatologist in West Bloomfield, Mich. Hair may also look darker after you shave, but that's not true either. "You just see these little dots against your normal skin color, and it just looks that way," says Kleinsmith.
To get the best shave, use a new, sharp razor—and take your time. Shave down the leg, in the direction the hair grows, particularly if you have sensitive skin. "The reason that we shave against the grain is we're trying to get a really close shave," says Kleinsmith. "Your legs feel silkier, but then the hair can become ingrown." If you have curly hair that's prone to becoming ingrown from shaving, you may want to consider laser hair removal. Lasers work best on people with light skin and dark hair.
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Shave at the end of a bath or shower. The warm water "softens up the hair so it comes out easier," says Dr. Marjory Nigro, a Houston dermatologist. And use shaving cream to lubricate and soften the hair. Leave it on for a few minutes. Creams help the blade "slide easier," says Dr. Kenneth Bielinski, a dermatologist in Orland Park, Ill. They also reduce irritation.
After shaving, moisturize. In the shaving process "you're not just stripping off the hair, you're stripping off the top layer of the skin, and along with it the oil that's on the surface of the skin," says Kleinsmith. The day you shave you may also want to avoid moisturizers with fragrances and alcohol, since they may irritate your skin. In general, however, your skin should look better after shaving because you're removing that dull skin layer.
If you tend to get razor bumps, apply over-the-counter cortisone cream right after you shave. "It works like a charm," says Nigro. Why do some people get those bumps? "When you shave, you make little traumas on the skin. When the hair starts growing back, skin grows to heal the area you shaved. The hole is plugged up," says Nigro. "The little razor bump is a hair trying to come back in an area that is covered."
Products like Nair are fine too. "Nair is the same as shaving. The difference with Nair is it melts the hair," says Nigro. "It's a personal preference. The effect on the hair is the same."
Some women may prefer waxing, which can decrease hair growth over time because the pulling traumatizes the roots so much, says Nigro. And some women use another pulling method, called threading, which is popular in Indian salons.
Going for a pedicure? Or for a swim in your local lake? Shave the day before, not the day of, because shaving exposes your skin to bacteria. Immediately after shaving, bacteria from a pedicure tub or a lake can get under your skin more easily. "The day you shave, you should be more careful with what you put on your skin," says Nigro. "Every time you shave your leg, you make tiny little openings all over the place."
Health - Six of History's more unusual surgical miracles (G.Read)
On June 11, a 6-year-old Texas girl had the entire right half of her brain removed to stop devastating seizures; amazingly, her memory and personality are expected to remain intact. But this is just one of many incredibly delicate and difficult surgeries performed in recent history. From a doctor who operated on himself to surgeons who execute complicated procedures on the tiniest fetuses while they are still in the womb, here are six of the most unusual surgical miracles in modern history.
1. Surgery to Remove Half a Child's Brain. On June 11, 6-year-old Jessie Hall of Aledo, Texas, had the entire right side of her brain removed by neurosurgeon Ben Carson at Johns Hopkins Children's Center in Baltimore. The rare procedure is called a hemispherectomy, and though drastic, it was considered the best possible treatment for Jessie, who suffers from Rasmussen's encephalitis, a progressive degeneration of the cerebral cortex that causes uncontrollable seizures. Though doctors do not fully understand how, the remaining half of the brain in such cases typically takes over many of the functions previously performed by the removed half. Jessie may be permanently paralyzed on her left side, but there is usually no effect on personality or memory. Johns Hopkins does about 12 of these surgeries each year, mostly on children between the ages of 5 and 10. When surgeons were first developing the procedure, they tried to fill the empty cavity on one side of the skull, in one case using sterile ping-pong balls, but they later realized that the brain's own cerebrospinal fluid eventually fills the space.
2. The Four-Day Operation. From Feb. 4 to Feb. 8, 1951, Gertrude Levandowski of Burnips, Mich., underwent a 96-hour procedure at a Chicago hospital to remove a giant ovarian cyst. It is believed to be the world's longest surgery. Levandowski weighed 616 pounds before the surgery and had a girth of 9 feet. After the growth was removed, the 58-year-old weighed a more manageable 308 pounds. During the operation, surgeons tapped the cyst to slowly drain the fluid from it, wanting to prevent a rapid drop in pressure that could affect her already strained heart. It took four days to get about 200 pounds of fluid out of her body. They then removed the cyst, which weighed about 150 pounds.
3. Surgery in Utero:Kylie Bowlen was 22 weeks pregnant when doctors at Melbourne's Monash Medical Centre in Australia operated on her unborn child to repair a very rare condition in which amniotic bands had wrapped around the baby's ankles, cutting off blood supply to the lower legs (the web-like bands are part of the amniotic sac). Normally doctors wait until 28 weeks to do surgery on a fetus, but without intervention, the baby would have lost both her feet. Surgeons inserted a 2-millimeter operating telescope into Kylie's womb and used a laser and electric current to cut the bands on the baby's left leg, thereby saving it. Unfortunately, the right leg was already infected and inoperable. At the time, the baby, later named Leah, was only approximately 7 inches long. Leah was born Jan. 24, 2008, eight weeks after the operation and two and a half months premature. When she was 4 days old, doctors operated to repair her right leg, which had been dangling from a tiny artery. The procedure is believed to be the earliest in-utero surgery of its kind ever performed. Doctors are hopeful that Leah will be able to walk.
4. Surgeon, Operate on Thyself. In 1921, Evan O'Neill Kane of Kane, Penn., wanted to prove that ether—the primary general anesthetic at the time—was being used far too often when less-dangerous local anesthetics could be substituted. As his test case, the good doctor used himself, removing his own appendix using only local anesthetic by propping himself up on the operating table with a mirror over his abdomen. With three other doctors in the operating room as backup, Kane made the large incision needed to remove the appendix and his assistants sutured him up. (This was before new techniques allowed doctors to make small 'Band-Aid'-size incisions for appendix removal). The doctor recovered nicely. Then, in 1932, at age 70, Dr. Kane performed an even more complicated surgery on himself to repair an inguinal hernia. Because of the close proximity to the femoral artery, it was a particularly delicate operation—Kane performed it in just under two hours. Reportedly, he was relaxed and joking even as he sutured within millimeters of the important blood vessels.
5. Saving Face. A French man suffering from a rare condition that causes extremely disfiguring tumors got a new face and a new lease on life in January of 2007. Thirty-year-old Pascal Coler had had dozens of previous operations to reduce massive tumors caused by a disorder called neurofibromatosis, yet he could barely eat and had become a recluse because of the bulbous deformities. The disorder is a rare genetic condition called Von Recklinghausen's Disease; experts have speculated that Joseph Merrick, nicknamed 'The Elephant Man,' was suffering from it 100 years ago.
After a 16-hour operation, Laurent Lantieri, head of plastic surgery at Henri-Mondor Hospital near Paris, reported that the surgical team had replaced "almost all" of Coler's face (lips, cheeks, nose and mouth), with that of a donor. Coler, who has recovered well, does not look like the anonymous donor because his underlying facial bone structure remains intact. This is the third face transplant ever done, and doctors at Henri-Mondor say it is the most extensive. (In 2005, a French woman received a partial transplant—new lips, a nose and a mouth—after the lower half of her face was mauled by a dog. In 2006, a Chinese man had a partial face transplant to repair damage done during a bear attack.)
6. Twice Born. Six months into her pregnancy, Keri McCartney and her husband, Chad McCartney, of Laredo, Texas, found out that their baby had an enormous and deadly tumor growing out of her tailbone. An ultrasound revealed the noncancerous, grapefruit-sized growth, which was draining the baby's blood supply and would have killed her. In a risky and rare procedure, surgeons at Texas Children's Hospital in Houston anesthetized McCartney to relax her womb, moved her uterus entirely outside her body, opened it, and then lifted about 80 percent of the baby's tiny body out, leaving just the head and upper torso inside. During the four-hour procedure, surgeons had to remove the tumor as quickly as possible, because too much exposure to air could have sent the baby into cardiac arrest. They then returned the fetus, which weighed about a quarter of a pound, to the womb and closed the amniotic sac, hoping to retain as much of the precious amniotic fluid as possible. The baby was born 'again' 10 weeks later, on May 3 of this year. Doctor's say she's perfectly healthy and her parents have named her Macie Hope McCartney
1. Surgery to Remove Half a Child's Brain. On June 11, 6-year-old Jessie Hall of Aledo, Texas, had the entire right side of her brain removed by neurosurgeon Ben Carson at Johns Hopkins Children's Center in Baltimore. The rare procedure is called a hemispherectomy, and though drastic, it was considered the best possible treatment for Jessie, who suffers from Rasmussen's encephalitis, a progressive degeneration of the cerebral cortex that causes uncontrollable seizures. Though doctors do not fully understand how, the remaining half of the brain in such cases typically takes over many of the functions previously performed by the removed half. Jessie may be permanently paralyzed on her left side, but there is usually no effect on personality or memory. Johns Hopkins does about 12 of these surgeries each year, mostly on children between the ages of 5 and 10. When surgeons were first developing the procedure, they tried to fill the empty cavity on one side of the skull, in one case using sterile ping-pong balls, but they later realized that the brain's own cerebrospinal fluid eventually fills the space.
2. The Four-Day Operation. From Feb. 4 to Feb. 8, 1951, Gertrude Levandowski of Burnips, Mich., underwent a 96-hour procedure at a Chicago hospital to remove a giant ovarian cyst. It is believed to be the world's longest surgery. Levandowski weighed 616 pounds before the surgery and had a girth of 9 feet. After the growth was removed, the 58-year-old weighed a more manageable 308 pounds. During the operation, surgeons tapped the cyst to slowly drain the fluid from it, wanting to prevent a rapid drop in pressure that could affect her already strained heart. It took four days to get about 200 pounds of fluid out of her body. They then removed the cyst, which weighed about 150 pounds.
3. Surgery in Utero:Kylie Bowlen was 22 weeks pregnant when doctors at Melbourne's Monash Medical Centre in Australia operated on her unborn child to repair a very rare condition in which amniotic bands had wrapped around the baby's ankles, cutting off blood supply to the lower legs (the web-like bands are part of the amniotic sac). Normally doctors wait until 28 weeks to do surgery on a fetus, but without intervention, the baby would have lost both her feet. Surgeons inserted a 2-millimeter operating telescope into Kylie's womb and used a laser and electric current to cut the bands on the baby's left leg, thereby saving it. Unfortunately, the right leg was already infected and inoperable. At the time, the baby, later named Leah, was only approximately 7 inches long. Leah was born Jan. 24, 2008, eight weeks after the operation and two and a half months premature. When she was 4 days old, doctors operated to repair her right leg, which had been dangling from a tiny artery. The procedure is believed to be the earliest in-utero surgery of its kind ever performed. Doctors are hopeful that Leah will be able to walk.
4. Surgeon, Operate on Thyself. In 1921, Evan O'Neill Kane of Kane, Penn., wanted to prove that ether—the primary general anesthetic at the time—was being used far too often when less-dangerous local anesthetics could be substituted. As his test case, the good doctor used himself, removing his own appendix using only local anesthetic by propping himself up on the operating table with a mirror over his abdomen. With three other doctors in the operating room as backup, Kane made the large incision needed to remove the appendix and his assistants sutured him up. (This was before new techniques allowed doctors to make small 'Band-Aid'-size incisions for appendix removal). The doctor recovered nicely. Then, in 1932, at age 70, Dr. Kane performed an even more complicated surgery on himself to repair an inguinal hernia. Because of the close proximity to the femoral artery, it was a particularly delicate operation—Kane performed it in just under two hours. Reportedly, he was relaxed and joking even as he sutured within millimeters of the important blood vessels.
5. Saving Face. A French man suffering from a rare condition that causes extremely disfiguring tumors got a new face and a new lease on life in January of 2007. Thirty-year-old Pascal Coler had had dozens of previous operations to reduce massive tumors caused by a disorder called neurofibromatosis, yet he could barely eat and had become a recluse because of the bulbous deformities. The disorder is a rare genetic condition called Von Recklinghausen's Disease; experts have speculated that Joseph Merrick, nicknamed 'The Elephant Man,' was suffering from it 100 years ago.
After a 16-hour operation, Laurent Lantieri, head of plastic surgery at Henri-Mondor Hospital near Paris, reported that the surgical team had replaced "almost all" of Coler's face (lips, cheeks, nose and mouth), with that of a donor. Coler, who has recovered well, does not look like the anonymous donor because his underlying facial bone structure remains intact. This is the third face transplant ever done, and doctors at Henri-Mondor say it is the most extensive. (In 2005, a French woman received a partial transplant—new lips, a nose and a mouth—after the lower half of her face was mauled by a dog. In 2006, a Chinese man had a partial face transplant to repair damage done during a bear attack.)
6. Twice Born. Six months into her pregnancy, Keri McCartney and her husband, Chad McCartney, of Laredo, Texas, found out that their baby had an enormous and deadly tumor growing out of her tailbone. An ultrasound revealed the noncancerous, grapefruit-sized growth, which was draining the baby's blood supply and would have killed her. In a risky and rare procedure, surgeons at Texas Children's Hospital in Houston anesthetized McCartney to relax her womb, moved her uterus entirely outside her body, opened it, and then lifted about 80 percent of the baby's tiny body out, leaving just the head and upper torso inside. During the four-hour procedure, surgeons had to remove the tumor as quickly as possible, because too much exposure to air could have sent the baby into cardiac arrest. They then returned the fetus, which weighed about a quarter of a pound, to the womb and closed the amniotic sac, hoping to retain as much of the precious amniotic fluid as possible. The baby was born 'again' 10 weeks later, on May 3 of this year. Doctor's say she's perfectly healthy and her parents have named her Macie Hope McCartney
Lifestyle - Do we need 7 hours of sleep ?
Yep, you do. Although people do vary in how much sleep they need, the differences are slight, and the vast majority of us (including seniors) need seven to eight hours. Most people who regularly get less than seven hours of rest are simply unaware of the damage that fatigue and sleepiness is doing to their bodies. Chronic "short-sleepers," as scientists call them, have forgotten what it feels like to be well-rested, says Robert Rosenberg, medical director of the Sleep Disorders Center of Prescott Valley, in Arizona.
The evidence indicates that a person who regularly sleeps less than seven hours a night functions as badly as someone who hasn't slept for one to three days, according to a research review published in the Journal of Clinical Sleep Medicine last year. Furthermore, the largest current longitudinal studies (one involving 21,268 people and another 10,308) showed that sleep-deprivation increased mortality: the chance of dying younger than people of the same age, gender and health-risk factors. In the larger study researchers at the Finnish Institute of Occupational Health assessed the sleep habits of the group in 1975 and 1981 and then checked to see who was still alive on Dec. 31, 2003. After comparing subjects' survival rates to the average for people of the same age (and adjusting for other known death risks, like smoking), the researchers concluded that lack of sleep increased mortality in the study participants by 26 percent for men and 21 percent for women. The cause of death might be accidents, or diseases exacerbated by sleep-deprivation. Other current research indicates that lack of sleep affects the body's hormones, immune system and metabolism; hence, it can be a risk factor for obesity, diabetes and heart disease.
The evidence indicates that a person who regularly sleeps less than seven hours a night functions as badly as someone who hasn't slept for one to three days, according to a research review published in the Journal of Clinical Sleep Medicine last year. Furthermore, the largest current longitudinal studies (one involving 21,268 people and another 10,308) showed that sleep-deprivation increased mortality: the chance of dying younger than people of the same age, gender and health-risk factors. In the larger study researchers at the Finnish Institute of Occupational Health assessed the sleep habits of the group in 1975 and 1981 and then checked to see who was still alive on Dec. 31, 2003. After comparing subjects' survival rates to the average for people of the same age (and adjusting for other known death risks, like smoking), the researchers concluded that lack of sleep increased mortality in the study participants by 26 percent for men and 21 percent for women. The cause of death might be accidents, or diseases exacerbated by sleep-deprivation. Other current research indicates that lack of sleep affects the body's hormones, immune system and metabolism; hence, it can be a risk factor for obesity, diabetes and heart disease.
Lifestyle - Treating sexual addictions ?
The term "sex addict" has been used as a punch line on television so often that it's hard to believe that it can actually be a serious addiction, like alcoholism. So when "X Files" star, David Duchovny, announced last week that he was entering rehab for treatment of a sexual addiction, it almost seemed like a fictional plotline for the Showtime series "Californication," on which Duchovny plays a sex-obsessed single dad. But for those affected, the ramifications of a sexual addiction are all too real, often leaving marriages, careers and bank accounts in ruins. For celebrities who are contending with sexual problems, there's often the added humiliation of having their difficulties made public. This summer, the tabloids were filled with lurid stories of out-of-control spending on Internet porn by Peter Cook, husband of model Christie Brinkley. And of course, in Hollywood, tales of actors risking their reputations by picking up street prostitutes are too numerous to mention.
What exactly constitutes a sexual addiction? It's generally described as obsessive sexually related behavior that dominates the addict's life. The compulsive behavior can range from obsessive use of pornography or promiscuity, to use of prostitutes or even sexual violence. Still, the notion that people can be clinically addicted to sex is controversial. Sex addiction, is not recognized by the American Psychological Association as a diagnosable disorder; and when news breaks of yet another philandering celebrity or politician, the public is likely to assume the person is suffering from an extreme case of caddishness rather than a bona fide illness. To learn more about how sexual addictions are treated and diagnosed, NEWSWEEK's Susanna Schrobsdorff spoke to Jill W. Bley, a clinical psychologist and sex therapist in Cincinnati. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: The term "sex addiction" isn't universally accepted among psychologists, is it? Jill Bley: It's been controversial in our field. There's one group of people who have researched this who say that label can only be applied when there's a substance involved. They wouldn't talk about a gambling addiction; they would talk about compulsive gambling behavior. Those of us who do the clinical work, we don't care what you call it. We look at the behavior. I may tell someone they have an obsessive-compulsive sexual need. The only time the label makes a difference is if you go to court or justify something with an insurance company—then you call it obsessive-compulsive behavior.
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Some people see the sex-addict label as just an excuse for a guy who cheats. What's the difference between someone who needs psychological help and someone who is just a jerk?Some are jerks. But there's a huge difference between someone who's cheating and an addict. A person who has a sexual addiction is engaging in obsessive-compulsive sexual behavior, which causes severe stress to the addicted individual and their families, and over which they do not have control.
The statistics say that more men get help for sex addiction than women. Is there a difference between male and female sex addicts?Male and female sex addicts are pretty much the same. Women tend to get into love addictions more, though men sometimes do too. [A love addiction] may look like a sex addiction, but what they're really in it for is the high of being adored, getting attention. Women may feel they are only valued for their bodies, so they use their bodies to attract attention or love.
Are there men who say urges are normal male biology and that they can't help pursuing sex all the time?Sometimes it is the thrill of the chase, which is normal, but not if the pursuit becomes compulsive. This one person I work with, he had about 40 women that he was involved with. He had four cell phones. He'd give different women the numbers so he could figure out which woman was calling and keep them separate. He would tell me all the time, "I can't help it. Women are hitting on me wherever I go; I get on the plane and the flight attendant starts coming on to me." This man even said that my secretary was hitting on him when he came in for a therapy appointment, and I can say definitely that she wasn't.
Are these people unusually egotistical?There's a lot of narcissism and arrogance with people like this. In therapy you have to help them confront that. They feel like the world revolves around them. But that's really a shield, a protection for an ego that was damaged as they grew up.
Does the kind of guy you were talking about succeed with women, if everyone isn't actually hitting on them as they think?These kinds of men do get women because they're smooth talkers and they can be very charming. They make women feel like they're the only one, even when she's not. Secrecy is very important—that's a big part of the thrill for them.
That risk-taking thrill sounds like some of the politicians who have been caught up in sex scandals.Yes. People wonder why [those sorts of] men … would risk everything. What it is, is that they get addicted to the adrenaline flow. The riskier it gets, the more adrenaline they get. Like all addictions, the more they get, the more they need. It may seem stupid from the outside, but that's not what someone is thinking when they're caught up in the addiction cycle. It starts with a preoccupation—they're thinking and thinking of whatever their sexual compulsion is. Then they move to the next level of the cycle, which we call ritualization. It's whatever activity they do that they think will help them find what they're addicted to. Once they get to that second stage, they're probably going to go all the way. They'll get in the car and drive toward a strip club or the street where they pick up prostitutes. Afterwards they may be very ashamed. But eventually the cycle will start all over again.
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What makes them seek treatment? Usually, it's because they get caught. Or the addiction is making it impossible for them to function.
How do you help them stop that cycle of addiction?We try to help them stop when they are in the thinking-about-it stage, the preoccupation stage. That's when we say, "You have to call your sponsor." The other thing is that there have to be no secrets, not from their sponsor and not from their significant other. It's part of the intimacy work they have to do with their partner.
That sounds like Alcoholics Anonymous. The treatment is somewhat different from alcoholism or other addiction treatments, yet very much the same. The first step is to acknowledge the problem. Then, if they work the 12 steps to recovery, they will go to 90 [group treatment] meetings in 90 days. It's important that they get a sponsor, too. That's the person you call for the purpose of helping you not act out sexually, and also help[ing] you work through the stresses and anxiety that lead to acting out sexually. Sometimes treatment means checking into a rehab center so [patients] can get out of their normal environment and habits.
But you can't give up sex forever the same way you can give up alcohol, can you?When they start the process I will ask them for six weeks of total abstinence. Not even masturbation. It's really hard for the addicts, but you can't do anything till they get sober and abstinent. We have their partner agree. During that six weeks, the anxieties that led to the sexual acting out usually become very apparent to the therapist and the partner. Those anxieties are what you want to work on. Then after the six weeks you have them work on having all their sexual behavior directed toward their partner.
And after that?A huge part of the treatment is to look for the trauma in the person's life that is creating the stress. You want to get at the cause and reprocess what has happened to them. Most of them have been victims of some kind of emotional abuse as children. That means having a parent who derides you, constantly criticizes you or calls you names. And 81 percent of those who come for treatment have been sexually abused, 73 percent physically abused. Most of them deny their abuse history. Or they might not remember it until they've been in therapy for a while.
Does insurance cover treatment for sex addictions?No, not usually. But patients are often able to work out a payment plan.
What exactly constitutes a sexual addiction? It's generally described as obsessive sexually related behavior that dominates the addict's life. The compulsive behavior can range from obsessive use of pornography or promiscuity, to use of prostitutes or even sexual violence. Still, the notion that people can be clinically addicted to sex is controversial. Sex addiction, is not recognized by the American Psychological Association as a diagnosable disorder; and when news breaks of yet another philandering celebrity or politician, the public is likely to assume the person is suffering from an extreme case of caddishness rather than a bona fide illness. To learn more about how sexual addictions are treated and diagnosed, NEWSWEEK's Susanna Schrobsdorff spoke to Jill W. Bley, a clinical psychologist and sex therapist in Cincinnati. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: The term "sex addiction" isn't universally accepted among psychologists, is it? Jill Bley: It's been controversial in our field. There's one group of people who have researched this who say that label can only be applied when there's a substance involved. They wouldn't talk about a gambling addiction; they would talk about compulsive gambling behavior. Those of us who do the clinical work, we don't care what you call it. We look at the behavior. I may tell someone they have an obsessive-compulsive sexual need. The only time the label makes a difference is if you go to court or justify something with an insurance company—then you call it obsessive-compulsive behavior.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Some people see the sex-addict label as just an excuse for a guy who cheats. What's the difference between someone who needs psychological help and someone who is just a jerk?Some are jerks. But there's a huge difference between someone who's cheating and an addict. A person who has a sexual addiction is engaging in obsessive-compulsive sexual behavior, which causes severe stress to the addicted individual and their families, and over which they do not have control.
The statistics say that more men get help for sex addiction than women. Is there a difference between male and female sex addicts?Male and female sex addicts are pretty much the same. Women tend to get into love addictions more, though men sometimes do too. [A love addiction] may look like a sex addiction, but what they're really in it for is the high of being adored, getting attention. Women may feel they are only valued for their bodies, so they use their bodies to attract attention or love.
Are there men who say urges are normal male biology and that they can't help pursuing sex all the time?Sometimes it is the thrill of the chase, which is normal, but not if the pursuit becomes compulsive. This one person I work with, he had about 40 women that he was involved with. He had four cell phones. He'd give different women the numbers so he could figure out which woman was calling and keep them separate. He would tell me all the time, "I can't help it. Women are hitting on me wherever I go; I get on the plane and the flight attendant starts coming on to me." This man even said that my secretary was hitting on him when he came in for a therapy appointment, and I can say definitely that she wasn't.
Are these people unusually egotistical?There's a lot of narcissism and arrogance with people like this. In therapy you have to help them confront that. They feel like the world revolves around them. But that's really a shield, a protection for an ego that was damaged as they grew up.
Does the kind of guy you were talking about succeed with women, if everyone isn't actually hitting on them as they think?These kinds of men do get women because they're smooth talkers and they can be very charming. They make women feel like they're the only one, even when she's not. Secrecy is very important—that's a big part of the thrill for them.
That risk-taking thrill sounds like some of the politicians who have been caught up in sex scandals.Yes. People wonder why [those sorts of] men … would risk everything. What it is, is that they get addicted to the adrenaline flow. The riskier it gets, the more adrenaline they get. Like all addictions, the more they get, the more they need. It may seem stupid from the outside, but that's not what someone is thinking when they're caught up in the addiction cycle. It starts with a preoccupation—they're thinking and thinking of whatever their sexual compulsion is. Then they move to the next level of the cycle, which we call ritualization. It's whatever activity they do that they think will help them find what they're addicted to. Once they get to that second stage, they're probably going to go all the way. They'll get in the car and drive toward a strip club or the street where they pick up prostitutes. Afterwards they may be very ashamed. But eventually the cycle will start all over again.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
What makes them seek treatment? Usually, it's because they get caught. Or the addiction is making it impossible for them to function.
How do you help them stop that cycle of addiction?We try to help them stop when they are in the thinking-about-it stage, the preoccupation stage. That's when we say, "You have to call your sponsor." The other thing is that there have to be no secrets, not from their sponsor and not from their significant other. It's part of the intimacy work they have to do with their partner.
That sounds like Alcoholics Anonymous. The treatment is somewhat different from alcoholism or other addiction treatments, yet very much the same. The first step is to acknowledge the problem. Then, if they work the 12 steps to recovery, they will go to 90 [group treatment] meetings in 90 days. It's important that they get a sponsor, too. That's the person you call for the purpose of helping you not act out sexually, and also help[ing] you work through the stresses and anxiety that lead to acting out sexually. Sometimes treatment means checking into a rehab center so [patients] can get out of their normal environment and habits.
But you can't give up sex forever the same way you can give up alcohol, can you?When they start the process I will ask them for six weeks of total abstinence. Not even masturbation. It's really hard for the addicts, but you can't do anything till they get sober and abstinent. We have their partner agree. During that six weeks, the anxieties that led to the sexual acting out usually become very apparent to the therapist and the partner. Those anxieties are what you want to work on. Then after the six weeks you have them work on having all their sexual behavior directed toward their partner.
And after that?A huge part of the treatment is to look for the trauma in the person's life that is creating the stress. You want to get at the cause and reprocess what has happened to them. Most of them have been victims of some kind of emotional abuse as children. That means having a parent who derides you, constantly criticizes you or calls you names. And 81 percent of those who come for treatment have been sexually abused, 73 percent physically abused. Most of them deny their abuse history. Or they might not remember it until they've been in therapy for a while.
Does insurance cover treatment for sex addictions?No, not usually. But patients are often able to work out a payment plan.
Lifestyle - Why you need a nap ?
Naptime is not just for kindergarteners. A whole body of research shows that a midday snooze can increase productivity and alertness in the workplace. Naps can often be the perfect weapons to combat midafternoon sluggishness, which tends to hit between 2 and 5 p.m. NEWSWEEK spoke to Helene Emsellem, author of "Snooze...or Lose! Ten 'No War' Ways to Improve Your Teen's Sleep Habits" about how, when and where to do the best napping:
1. The Odd Couple:Coffee and a Nap Turns out that a cup of joe won't ruin your nap, it will enhance it. A 2003 Japanese study found that you can alleviate sleepiness by combining a short snooze with coffee. Sound counterintuitive? Here's how it works: caffeine takes about 20 minutes to a half-hour to kick in, just enough time for you to nap. That way, if you've had a coffee-primed nap, the benefits are twofold: you've rested and you're ready to go when you wake. The British Transportation Department even provides drivers with the following recommendation to combat driver fatigue: "Stop, drink two cups of coffee or a highly caffeinated drink, then take a short nap." Think of a nap as a free extra shot in your latte.
2. The Nicest Nap: Hour Emsellem says that 2 or 3 p.m. is the ideal nap hour—late enough to fit into your natural siesta zone but early enough that it will not interfere with your night sleep. Also take your afternoon schedule into consideration when making nap plans. If you can, Emsellem recommends taking your midafternoon snooze just prior to a big meeting. Dozing right before the meeting will make sure you're not drifting off during the meeting.
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3. Length Does Matter: A good nap length is somewhere between 20 and 30 minutes. This will give you the restorative benefits of sleep without the lethargy or grogginess—what Emsellem calls "sleep drunkenness."
4. Making the Bed: Location may be the toughest nap quandary. If your company has a health or nurse's room, that could make a good place for snoozing. If that's not an option, you may have to turn your cubicle into a makeshift nap room—but that means you'll probably have to be all right with curling up under your desk. Heading to your parked car is another option—but of course you should make sure a window is open and the engine is not running.
5. Set an Alarm: Chances are, if you're tired enough to take a nap, you will not magically wake up on your own accord. So set an alarm, both to avoid the grogginess of a long nap and to make sure you don't sleep through anything important.
6. Keep It Consistent: Emsellem suggests working that 20-minute nap into a particular sleep routine to make it part of your body's expected circadian rhythm. The easiest way to do that is by using a sleep log to record your snoozing habits.
7. Be an Alert Napper: If you always feel the need for a nap, think about your nightly sleep schedule. Are you down to only five or six hours? While a 20-minute nap is a good refresher, it will not make up for hours lost at night.
1. The Odd Couple:Coffee and a Nap Turns out that a cup of joe won't ruin your nap, it will enhance it. A 2003 Japanese study found that you can alleviate sleepiness by combining a short snooze with coffee. Sound counterintuitive? Here's how it works: caffeine takes about 20 minutes to a half-hour to kick in, just enough time for you to nap. That way, if you've had a coffee-primed nap, the benefits are twofold: you've rested and you're ready to go when you wake. The British Transportation Department even provides drivers with the following recommendation to combat driver fatigue: "Stop, drink two cups of coffee or a highly caffeinated drink, then take a short nap." Think of a nap as a free extra shot in your latte.
2. The Nicest Nap: Hour Emsellem says that 2 or 3 p.m. is the ideal nap hour—late enough to fit into your natural siesta zone but early enough that it will not interfere with your night sleep. Also take your afternoon schedule into consideration when making nap plans. If you can, Emsellem recommends taking your midafternoon snooze just prior to a big meeting. Dozing right before the meeting will make sure you're not drifting off during the meeting.
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3. Length Does Matter: A good nap length is somewhere between 20 and 30 minutes. This will give you the restorative benefits of sleep without the lethargy or grogginess—what Emsellem calls "sleep drunkenness."
4. Making the Bed: Location may be the toughest nap quandary. If your company has a health or nurse's room, that could make a good place for snoozing. If that's not an option, you may have to turn your cubicle into a makeshift nap room—but that means you'll probably have to be all right with curling up under your desk. Heading to your parked car is another option—but of course you should make sure a window is open and the engine is not running.
5. Set an Alarm: Chances are, if you're tired enough to take a nap, you will not magically wake up on your own accord. So set an alarm, both to avoid the grogginess of a long nap and to make sure you don't sleep through anything important.
6. Keep It Consistent: Emsellem suggests working that 20-minute nap into a particular sleep routine to make it part of your body's expected circadian rhythm. The easiest way to do that is by using a sleep log to record your snoozing habits.
7. Be an Alert Napper: If you always feel the need for a nap, think about your nightly sleep schedule. Are you down to only five or six hours? While a 20-minute nap is a good refresher, it will not make up for hours lost at night.
Lifestyle - Why young men delay Adulthood to stay in Guyland
It's "booze o'clock" on a recent Thursday night on New York's Fire Island—a rolling, inexact hour when 10 vacationing guys decide to kick off their nightly binge. Between tequila shots and pulls of beer, the sun-baked twentysomethings roar on the deck of their rented beach house, sounding the depths of maledom: sexual conquests, mastery of fire ("I'll grill that potato salad") and escape from the monotony of girlfriends and work. "I like starting things," says one guy, as if to sum up his generation. "Then it gets boring."
The banter may seem like an open dish-session between friends, but masculine law chokes out the sissy stuff. There's scorn when water is used to dilute a whisky, and disbelief when one of the crew suggests dinner that night to celebrate his birthday. "This isn't a friendship trip," chides one of the guys. "We're here to get women." During the week, most of the guys say they've reached their goal—a few more than once.
Once the preserve of whacked-out teens and college slackers, this testosterone-filled landscape is the new normal for American males until what used to be considered creeping middle age, according to the sociologist Michael Kimmel. In his new book, "Guyland," the State University of New York at Stony Brook professor notes that the traditional markers of manhood—leaving home, getting an education, finding a partner, starting work and becoming a father—have moved downfield as the passage from adolescence to adulthood has evolved from "a transitional moment to a whole new stage of life." In 1960, almost 70 percent of men had reached these milestones by the age of 30. Today, less than a third of males that age can say the same.
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"What used to be regressive weekends are now whole years in the lives of some guys," Kimmel tells NEWSWEEK. In almost 400 interviews with mainly white, college-educated twentysomethings, he found that the lockstep march to manhood is often interrupted by a debauched and decadelong odyssey, in which youths buddy together in search of new ways to feel like men. Actually, it's more like all the old ways—drinking, smoking, kidding, carousing—turned up a notch in a world where adolescent demonstrations of manhood have replaced the real thing: responsibility. Kimmel's testosterone tract adds to a forest of recent research into protracted adolescents (or "thresholders" and "kidults," as they've also been dubbed) and the reluctance of today's guys to don their fathers' robes—and commitments. They "see grown-up life as such a loss," says Kimmel, explaining why so many guys are content to sit out their 20s in duct-taped beanbag chairs. The trouble is that the very thing they're running from may be the thing they need.
At least, that's what I hope. On the weekend this story goes to print I am getting married in a loft in midtown Manhattan, tying the knot at 27—the national average for guys. But by the way some of my single male friends reacted, you'd think I was appearing on an episode of "Engaged and Underage." "Maybe you're making a big mistake," said one buddy when I told him of the engagement. A 27-year-old technology consultant living in New York, he can't remember the names of the women he's slept with (let alone the number), and gives them nicknames like "Biff," "Dino" and "the Little Maniac." I'm happy to take in the night with him every few weeks, but still a little uncomfortable belting out "Sweet Caroline" to a bar full of people, and tickled pink when I'm back home with my girlfriend—soon to be wife. Guyland is not without its charms, but it pales next to what I have known with her over the past three years.
A bad attitude about marriage is not the only thing that's holding these guys back. A series of social and economic reversals are making it harder than ever to climb the ladder of adulthood. Since 1971, annual salaries for males 25 to 34 with full-time jobs have plummeted almost 20 percent, according to the Center for Labor Market Studies at Northeastern University. At the same time, women have crashed just about all the old male haunts, and are showing some signs of outpacing their husbands and boyfriends as breadwinners and heads of family, at least in urban centers. Last year, researchers at Queens College in New York determined that women between 21 and 30 in at least five major cities, including Dallas, Chicago and New York, have not only made up the wage gap since 1970—they now earn upwards of 15 percent more than their male counterparts. As a result, many men feel redundant.
Today's guys are perhaps the first downwardly mobile—and endlessly adolescent—generation of men in U.S. history. They're also among the most distraught—men between the ages of 16 and 26 have the highest suicide rate for any group except men above 70—and socially isolated, despite their image as a band of backslapping buddies. According to the General Social Survey, a highly regarded decadeslong University of Chicago project to map changes in American culture, twentysomething guys are bowling alone when compared with the rest of society. They are less likely to read a newspaper, attend church, vote for president or believe that people are basically trustworthy, helpful and fair. Meanwhile, saddled with an average of $20,000 in student debt and reared with a sense of entitlement that stops them from taking any old job, the percentage of 26-year-olds living with their parents has nearly doubled since 1970, from 11 to 20 percent, according to economist Bob Schoeni's research with the Population Studies Center at the University of Michigan.
The failure to launch is perhaps no surprise given the onslaught of messages that suggest settling down is tantamount to ripping up one's ticket to the party. To turn on television or see a movie is to find a smorgasbord of regressive adventures for the single man of every stripe. Movies like "Pineapple Express," Judd Apatow's latest celebration of beta male bonding; TV shows like HBO's hypermasculine pal party "Entourage," and beer commercials like Miller Lite's "Man Laws" ads make delayed adulthood seem like a lark—roguish, fun and, most of all, normal. Meanwhile, the denizens of Guyland eat this stuff up, with males 16 to 26 constituting the single most coveted consumer group. As evidence, Kimmel points to the litany of "guysploitation" media, including ever frat-tastic magazines such as Maxim and FHM, and Spike TV, "the first network for men."
The happy family man, on the other hand, is an alien concept in Guyland, and all too scarce in popular culture. Men like me, who actually embrace married life in their 20s, are seen as aberrations—or just a bit odd. According to a study released last month by the Parents Television Council, prime-time broadcast audiences are three times more likely to hear about people having sex with pets, corpses or two other people simultaneously than they are to see a blissed-out married couple between the sheets. If the domestic man does appear, the study finds, the guy who pants in Lamaze class rather than a stranger's bedroom is portrayed as freakish, fuddy-duddy and frequently religious: an uptight Boy Scout in a Peter Pan culture. "Today's prime-time television," the PTC concludes, "seems to be actively seeking to undermine marriage by consistently painting it in a negative light."
But while the glorified Isle of Guy makes many men feel inadequate, its attractions are often illusory—or worse. Binge drinking is shown to cause learning disabilities in lab rats; almost 20 percent of college guys said they would commit rape if they knew they wouldn't be caught, according to a 2005 UCLA study, and fraternity hazing has resulted in at least one reported fatality for each of the last 10 years.
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Beyond the practical dangers, the world of twentysomething males can also be an alienating place, where the entrance fee is conformity and the ride is less than advertised. At a waterfront bar on Fire Island, there is gleeful solidarity as the guys chink glasses and catcall en masse to passing women (who resist). But on their own and without their liquid courage, there is also isolation and discontent. A 28-year-old Emory graduate, who declined to be named for fear of ridicule, talked of feeling ashamed of his life, which has led to countless conquests but not the literary success he'd hoped for; he's living at home in New Jersey and working at a hotel front desk in the meantime. Another guy, 26, an Arizona State alum who lives in Tempe, is a coupon-book salesman, but clearly self-conscious: he carries fake business cards touting him as an MTV entertainment executive.
If only all the posturing paid off. College guys believe that 80 percent of their friends are getting laid each weekend, says Kimmel, whose survey of 13,000 kids, mostly 18 to 22 years old, puts the actual figure at closer to 10 percent. After college, he says, the percentages merely get worse.
Meanwhile, the angst associated with adulthood may not be warranted. A raft of recent studies suggest that married men are happier, more sexually satisfied and less likely to end up in the emergency room than their unmarried counterparts. They also earn more, are promoted ahead of their single counterparts and are more likely to own a home.
"Men benefit from just being married, regardless of the quality of the relationship. It makes them healthier, wealthier and more generous with their relatives," says Scott Coltrane, author of "Gender and Families" and dean of the University of Oregon College of Arts and Science. It accelerates men's journey toward stability and security. "In general, those are the things that lead to happiness," he adds.At least, that's what I am hoping. Ask me in 20 years.
The banter may seem like an open dish-session between friends, but masculine law chokes out the sissy stuff. There's scorn when water is used to dilute a whisky, and disbelief when one of the crew suggests dinner that night to celebrate his birthday. "This isn't a friendship trip," chides one of the guys. "We're here to get women." During the week, most of the guys say they've reached their goal—a few more than once.
Once the preserve of whacked-out teens and college slackers, this testosterone-filled landscape is the new normal for American males until what used to be considered creeping middle age, according to the sociologist Michael Kimmel. In his new book, "Guyland," the State University of New York at Stony Brook professor notes that the traditional markers of manhood—leaving home, getting an education, finding a partner, starting work and becoming a father—have moved downfield as the passage from adolescence to adulthood has evolved from "a transitional moment to a whole new stage of life." In 1960, almost 70 percent of men had reached these milestones by the age of 30. Today, less than a third of males that age can say the same.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
"What used to be regressive weekends are now whole years in the lives of some guys," Kimmel tells NEWSWEEK. In almost 400 interviews with mainly white, college-educated twentysomethings, he found that the lockstep march to manhood is often interrupted by a debauched and decadelong odyssey, in which youths buddy together in search of new ways to feel like men. Actually, it's more like all the old ways—drinking, smoking, kidding, carousing—turned up a notch in a world where adolescent demonstrations of manhood have replaced the real thing: responsibility. Kimmel's testosterone tract adds to a forest of recent research into protracted adolescents (or "thresholders" and "kidults," as they've also been dubbed) and the reluctance of today's guys to don their fathers' robes—and commitments. They "see grown-up life as such a loss," says Kimmel, explaining why so many guys are content to sit out their 20s in duct-taped beanbag chairs. The trouble is that the very thing they're running from may be the thing they need.
At least, that's what I hope. On the weekend this story goes to print I am getting married in a loft in midtown Manhattan, tying the knot at 27—the national average for guys. But by the way some of my single male friends reacted, you'd think I was appearing on an episode of "Engaged and Underage." "Maybe you're making a big mistake," said one buddy when I told him of the engagement. A 27-year-old technology consultant living in New York, he can't remember the names of the women he's slept with (let alone the number), and gives them nicknames like "Biff," "Dino" and "the Little Maniac." I'm happy to take in the night with him every few weeks, but still a little uncomfortable belting out "Sweet Caroline" to a bar full of people, and tickled pink when I'm back home with my girlfriend—soon to be wife. Guyland is not without its charms, but it pales next to what I have known with her over the past three years.
A bad attitude about marriage is not the only thing that's holding these guys back. A series of social and economic reversals are making it harder than ever to climb the ladder of adulthood. Since 1971, annual salaries for males 25 to 34 with full-time jobs have plummeted almost 20 percent, according to the Center for Labor Market Studies at Northeastern University. At the same time, women have crashed just about all the old male haunts, and are showing some signs of outpacing their husbands and boyfriends as breadwinners and heads of family, at least in urban centers. Last year, researchers at Queens College in New York determined that women between 21 and 30 in at least five major cities, including Dallas, Chicago and New York, have not only made up the wage gap since 1970—they now earn upwards of 15 percent more than their male counterparts. As a result, many men feel redundant.
Today's guys are perhaps the first downwardly mobile—and endlessly adolescent—generation of men in U.S. history. They're also among the most distraught—men between the ages of 16 and 26 have the highest suicide rate for any group except men above 70—and socially isolated, despite their image as a band of backslapping buddies. According to the General Social Survey, a highly regarded decadeslong University of Chicago project to map changes in American culture, twentysomething guys are bowling alone when compared with the rest of society. They are less likely to read a newspaper, attend church, vote for president or believe that people are basically trustworthy, helpful and fair. Meanwhile, saddled with an average of $20,000 in student debt and reared with a sense of entitlement that stops them from taking any old job, the percentage of 26-year-olds living with their parents has nearly doubled since 1970, from 11 to 20 percent, according to economist Bob Schoeni's research with the Population Studies Center at the University of Michigan.
The failure to launch is perhaps no surprise given the onslaught of messages that suggest settling down is tantamount to ripping up one's ticket to the party. To turn on television or see a movie is to find a smorgasbord of regressive adventures for the single man of every stripe. Movies like "Pineapple Express," Judd Apatow's latest celebration of beta male bonding; TV shows like HBO's hypermasculine pal party "Entourage," and beer commercials like Miller Lite's "Man Laws" ads make delayed adulthood seem like a lark—roguish, fun and, most of all, normal. Meanwhile, the denizens of Guyland eat this stuff up, with males 16 to 26 constituting the single most coveted consumer group. As evidence, Kimmel points to the litany of "guysploitation" media, including ever frat-tastic magazines such as Maxim and FHM, and Spike TV, "the first network for men."
The happy family man, on the other hand, is an alien concept in Guyland, and all too scarce in popular culture. Men like me, who actually embrace married life in their 20s, are seen as aberrations—or just a bit odd. According to a study released last month by the Parents Television Council, prime-time broadcast audiences are three times more likely to hear about people having sex with pets, corpses or two other people simultaneously than they are to see a blissed-out married couple between the sheets. If the domestic man does appear, the study finds, the guy who pants in Lamaze class rather than a stranger's bedroom is portrayed as freakish, fuddy-duddy and frequently religious: an uptight Boy Scout in a Peter Pan culture. "Today's prime-time television," the PTC concludes, "seems to be actively seeking to undermine marriage by consistently painting it in a negative light."
But while the glorified Isle of Guy makes many men feel inadequate, its attractions are often illusory—or worse. Binge drinking is shown to cause learning disabilities in lab rats; almost 20 percent of college guys said they would commit rape if they knew they wouldn't be caught, according to a 2005 UCLA study, and fraternity hazing has resulted in at least one reported fatality for each of the last 10 years.
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Beyond the practical dangers, the world of twentysomething males can also be an alienating place, where the entrance fee is conformity and the ride is less than advertised. At a waterfront bar on Fire Island, there is gleeful solidarity as the guys chink glasses and catcall en masse to passing women (who resist). But on their own and without their liquid courage, there is also isolation and discontent. A 28-year-old Emory graduate, who declined to be named for fear of ridicule, talked of feeling ashamed of his life, which has led to countless conquests but not the literary success he'd hoped for; he's living at home in New Jersey and working at a hotel front desk in the meantime. Another guy, 26, an Arizona State alum who lives in Tempe, is a coupon-book salesman, but clearly self-conscious: he carries fake business cards touting him as an MTV entertainment executive.
If only all the posturing paid off. College guys believe that 80 percent of their friends are getting laid each weekend, says Kimmel, whose survey of 13,000 kids, mostly 18 to 22 years old, puts the actual figure at closer to 10 percent. After college, he says, the percentages merely get worse.
Meanwhile, the angst associated with adulthood may not be warranted. A raft of recent studies suggest that married men are happier, more sexually satisfied and less likely to end up in the emergency room than their unmarried counterparts. They also earn more, are promoted ahead of their single counterparts and are more likely to own a home.
"Men benefit from just being married, regardless of the quality of the relationship. It makes them healthier, wealthier and more generous with their relatives," says Scott Coltrane, author of "Gender and Families" and dean of the University of Oregon College of Arts and Science. It accelerates men's journey toward stability and security. "In general, those are the things that lead to happiness," he adds.At least, that's what I am hoping. Ask me in 20 years.
World - Chile;It's sex,not politics (G.Read)
The teens call their public orgies ponceo. On a typical Friday afternoon in the Chilean capital of Santiago, hundreds gather in a leafy urban park for a few hours of sexual experimentation. Surrounded by passing strollers, they trade partners multiple times—mostly engaging in anonymous rounds of oral sex. When the party is over, no contact information is exchanged. Same-gender interactions are commonplace, as the lines between hetero- and homosexuality are blurred, partly by the alcohol and drugs consumed, but also by shifting social mores held by Chilean youth, in contrast to their conservative parents. "Ponceo is about having fun," says Natalia Fernandez, a 15-year-old with pink hair and a pierced chin. "This time I had seven partners."
Fernandez, like many others in the park, is wearing an anime T-shirt. Drawing inspiration from Japanese anime culture, the teens refer to themselves as "Pokemones." Their behavior, though, doesn't quite resemble that of the cartoon characters that once obsessed young TV watchers around the world. "It's shameless," says Gina Mazzini Aliste, a middle-aged woman in the park that day. "They act like ponceo is a competitive sport."
Not surprisingly, the Pokemones have become the subject of a national debate in the media, as the conservative Catholic society grapples with this new affront to its traditional values. In a country where abortion is banned and divorce was legalized only a few years ago, and where the specter of Augusto Pinochet's authoritarian regime still hovers over political discourse, the Pokemones are at once radical and inevitable. Radical because they are shocking Chilean society to its core. Inevitable because they are darlings of a booming neoliberal economy, which has provided them with all the material accoutrements necessary to be Pokemones. Yet along with sexual rebellion, these teens are also defined by their consumerism, a characteristic that neatly conforms to Chile's free-market ideals.
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Indeed, the Pokemones are outfitted with the latest clothing and technological gadgets. Their look is androgynous and exaggerated: clad in low-slung, tight-fitting jeans, both boys and girls wear multiple piercings, dyed and waxed hair, and thick black eyeliner. They have their own Web sites, even their own slang, but what does it really mean to be a Pokemon? Curiously, the teenagers do not seem to hold any particular convictions about their identity in a political or sexual sense. Instead, their movement is mostly about image. "It's basically a fashion thing," says Raul Barra, a tall 19-year-old with piercings down the sides of his nose. "A Pokemon has a certain style and does ponceo."
Despite the group's controversial implications for identity and sexuality in the 21st century, there is virtually no discussion of a common cause at gatherings or on their Web sites and blogs. The Pokemones do not have a political creed, preferring apathy to engagement. Yet their existence as a movement is fundamentally political because of the contrast it marks vis-Ã -vis the dictatorship, under which freedoms were violently suppressed. "I guess we don't really think about politics or anything," says Valentina Espinosa, a petite 16-year-old whose teased platinum hair adds about six inches to her tiny stature. "We're not for anything, but we're not against anything, either—well, except our parents getting mad at us for being Pokemones."
Sociologists have labeled the Pokemones an "urban tribe," a term they have also applied to hippies, punks, and goths. But unlike those that came before it, this is the first "urban tribe" here born in the Internet age. As such, communication technology is key—Pokemones have hundreds of contacts on instant-messaging programs, and they regularly upload videos and photos to sites like YouTube and Fotolog. But despite the expanded capacity for communication, theirs may be the first movement in which debate about its goals is noticeably absent.
The hippies and their successors stood firmly in opposition to the status quo, but there is only one dimension of the Pokemones that seems to advance an agenda, if unintentionally. The movement has changed the rules that govern the way teenage girls interact with their male counterparts. Girls count up their partners just as boys do, and the bisexual activity, along with the Pokemon aesthetic, suggests that gender roles are not clearly defined. "I'm just having fun. I'm only 16, and I won't get hurt through ponceo because I don't go hoping to find a boyfriend," says Isidora Fernandez, who insisted on being called Frambuesa (Spanish for raspberry).
Still, though the scene may appear egalitarian, community psychologist Juan Bastian, advocacy director at the Chilean Family Planning Association, suggests that it does not represent any significant progress for women. Women here have made considerable advances; more are in the workforce than ever before, having children later in life as access to contraceptives improves. But, Bastian says, "the question still remains whether this is just a different form of the same inequality as before," this time with boys taking advantage of girls in a situation where a premium is placed on looking cool.
Bastian also worries that the teens' newfound sexual liberation has not been accompanied by an increase in information about sexual responsibility and health. Surveys reveal that while many of the teens say they refrain from actual intercourse to avoid pregnancy, they know very little about the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. "Sex education in Chile is limited and stigmatized," says Bastian. "These adolescents are rejecting the conservatism of their parents but are also endangering their health."
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Strangely, their parents' conservatism may be what holds the movement together. The Pokemones, having inherited the economy bestowed by Pinochet's free-market reforms, are part of a burgeoning middle class with imprudent spending habits. The introduction of the credit card into the economy has translated into staggering personal debt for many Chileans, but the quest continues to own the newest televisions, computers, and cars. Pokemones take their cue from their parents. "'To be' is now interchangeable with 'to have,' so teens measure their self-worth according to how much they've got—in this case, how many partners they can rack up or how many friends they have on MSN," says Bastian. "Sexuality becomes another iteration of the same model their parents follow: identity expressed through quantity."
The group's consumerist tendencies have not been lost on the retail goods industry, which ferociously markets its products to the Pokemon demographic. Commercials for hair straighteners, MP3 players and cell phones run during talk shows that feature Pokemones complaining about their overprotective parents or catty best friends. "This week I bought two T-shirts and a webcam," says Pablo Gutierrez, 18. Sticking out his tongue to reveal a piercing, he adds, "And a new tongue ring. I was sick of my old one."
In fact, one of the Pokemones' main meeting spots is outside the television studio where their favorite program, "Diario de Eva," is filmed. The channel is owned by right-wing presidential candidate Sebastian Piñera, a billionaire businessman who, incidentally, made much of his fortune by helping bring credit cards to Chile. The irony is lost on the Pokemones, however, as they gather on the lawn near the studio's entrance
They truly are rebels without a cause, but unlike melancholy James Dean in the cushy post-WWII boom, the Pokemones seem all too content to lounge about in their glossy cocoons. Back at the park Frambuesa huddles with a group of friends and pulls out a new digital camera from her anime-decorated purse. "Let's take a picture!" she squeals. Immediately makeup and mirrors materialize, lips are reglossed, eyes are relined, hair is reteased. After a long delay she finally asks, "Everyone ready?" The group leans into pose, and Victor Nuyoa, a 14-year-old who is new to the Pokemon scene, makes a peace sign. An older teen pushes down Nuyoa's hand and laughs, teasing, "What are you, a hippie?" For this group, it's only gadgets and ponceo that make the statements that matter.
Fernandez, like many others in the park, is wearing an anime T-shirt. Drawing inspiration from Japanese anime culture, the teens refer to themselves as "Pokemones." Their behavior, though, doesn't quite resemble that of the cartoon characters that once obsessed young TV watchers around the world. "It's shameless," says Gina Mazzini Aliste, a middle-aged woman in the park that day. "They act like ponceo is a competitive sport."
Not surprisingly, the Pokemones have become the subject of a national debate in the media, as the conservative Catholic society grapples with this new affront to its traditional values. In a country where abortion is banned and divorce was legalized only a few years ago, and where the specter of Augusto Pinochet's authoritarian regime still hovers over political discourse, the Pokemones are at once radical and inevitable. Radical because they are shocking Chilean society to its core. Inevitable because they are darlings of a booming neoliberal economy, which has provided them with all the material accoutrements necessary to be Pokemones. Yet along with sexual rebellion, these teens are also defined by their consumerism, a characteristic that neatly conforms to Chile's free-market ideals.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Indeed, the Pokemones are outfitted with the latest clothing and technological gadgets. Their look is androgynous and exaggerated: clad in low-slung, tight-fitting jeans, both boys and girls wear multiple piercings, dyed and waxed hair, and thick black eyeliner. They have their own Web sites, even their own slang, but what does it really mean to be a Pokemon? Curiously, the teenagers do not seem to hold any particular convictions about their identity in a political or sexual sense. Instead, their movement is mostly about image. "It's basically a fashion thing," says Raul Barra, a tall 19-year-old with piercings down the sides of his nose. "A Pokemon has a certain style and does ponceo."
Despite the group's controversial implications for identity and sexuality in the 21st century, there is virtually no discussion of a common cause at gatherings or on their Web sites and blogs. The Pokemones do not have a political creed, preferring apathy to engagement. Yet their existence as a movement is fundamentally political because of the contrast it marks vis-Ã -vis the dictatorship, under which freedoms were violently suppressed. "I guess we don't really think about politics or anything," says Valentina Espinosa, a petite 16-year-old whose teased platinum hair adds about six inches to her tiny stature. "We're not for anything, but we're not against anything, either—well, except our parents getting mad at us for being Pokemones."
Sociologists have labeled the Pokemones an "urban tribe," a term they have also applied to hippies, punks, and goths. But unlike those that came before it, this is the first "urban tribe" here born in the Internet age. As such, communication technology is key—Pokemones have hundreds of contacts on instant-messaging programs, and they regularly upload videos and photos to sites like YouTube and Fotolog. But despite the expanded capacity for communication, theirs may be the first movement in which debate about its goals is noticeably absent.
The hippies and their successors stood firmly in opposition to the status quo, but there is only one dimension of the Pokemones that seems to advance an agenda, if unintentionally. The movement has changed the rules that govern the way teenage girls interact with their male counterparts. Girls count up their partners just as boys do, and the bisexual activity, along with the Pokemon aesthetic, suggests that gender roles are not clearly defined. "I'm just having fun. I'm only 16, and I won't get hurt through ponceo because I don't go hoping to find a boyfriend," says Isidora Fernandez, who insisted on being called Frambuesa (Spanish for raspberry).
Still, though the scene may appear egalitarian, community psychologist Juan Bastian, advocacy director at the Chilean Family Planning Association, suggests that it does not represent any significant progress for women. Women here have made considerable advances; more are in the workforce than ever before, having children later in life as access to contraceptives improves. But, Bastian says, "the question still remains whether this is just a different form of the same inequality as before," this time with boys taking advantage of girls in a situation where a premium is placed on looking cool.
Bastian also worries that the teens' newfound sexual liberation has not been accompanied by an increase in information about sexual responsibility and health. Surveys reveal that while many of the teens say they refrain from actual intercourse to avoid pregnancy, they know very little about the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. "Sex education in Chile is limited and stigmatized," says Bastian. "These adolescents are rejecting the conservatism of their parents but are also endangering their health."
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Strangely, their parents' conservatism may be what holds the movement together. The Pokemones, having inherited the economy bestowed by Pinochet's free-market reforms, are part of a burgeoning middle class with imprudent spending habits. The introduction of the credit card into the economy has translated into staggering personal debt for many Chileans, but the quest continues to own the newest televisions, computers, and cars. Pokemones take their cue from their parents. "'To be' is now interchangeable with 'to have,' so teens measure their self-worth according to how much they've got—in this case, how many partners they can rack up or how many friends they have on MSN," says Bastian. "Sexuality becomes another iteration of the same model their parents follow: identity expressed through quantity."
The group's consumerist tendencies have not been lost on the retail goods industry, which ferociously markets its products to the Pokemon demographic. Commercials for hair straighteners, MP3 players and cell phones run during talk shows that feature Pokemones complaining about their overprotective parents or catty best friends. "This week I bought two T-shirts and a webcam," says Pablo Gutierrez, 18. Sticking out his tongue to reveal a piercing, he adds, "And a new tongue ring. I was sick of my old one."
In fact, one of the Pokemones' main meeting spots is outside the television studio where their favorite program, "Diario de Eva," is filmed. The channel is owned by right-wing presidential candidate Sebastian Piñera, a billionaire businessman who, incidentally, made much of his fortune by helping bring credit cards to Chile. The irony is lost on the Pokemones, however, as they gather on the lawn near the studio's entrance
They truly are rebels without a cause, but unlike melancholy James Dean in the cushy post-WWII boom, the Pokemones seem all too content to lounge about in their glossy cocoons. Back at the park Frambuesa huddles with a group of friends and pulls out a new digital camera from her anime-decorated purse. "Let's take a picture!" she squeals. Immediately makeup and mirrors materialize, lips are reglossed, eyes are relined, hair is reteased. After a long delay she finally asks, "Everyone ready?" The group leans into pose, and Victor Nuyoa, a 14-year-old who is new to the Pokemon scene, makes a peace sign. An older teen pushes down Nuyoa's hand and laughs, teasing, "What are you, a hippie?" For this group, it's only gadgets and ponceo that make the statements that matter.
Lifestyle - Scientists who study sex ( G.Read)
When Mary Roach researches a book, she doesn't do it half way. For the best-selling "Stiff: The Curious Lives of Human Cadavers," she spent a year in morgues, medical labs and crematoriums. Researching "Spook: Science Tackles the Afterlife," she went around the world talking to psychics and scientists about what happens when we leave those bodies behind.
Short of actually dying, it's hard to imagine that anyone could be more familiar with the subject—or funnier about it. So it's no surprise that when writing "Bonk: The Curious Coupling of Science and Sex," she didn't just interview sex researchers, or pore through centuries of lab notes—she actually volunteered to have sex in the name of science. And by that we mean she brought her heroic husband, Ed, from their home in California to an exam room in London to have a physics professor do some real time, 4-D ultrasound footage of their bodies (or at least the relevant parts) in motion.
It's difficult to say who deserves more credit for bravery, Mary or Ed, but the result is a hilarious scene for a book that she calls a tribute to the men and women who brave ridicule to investigate why we do what we do, in bed--or don't. She writes about Danish pig farmers who take animal husbandry to a whole new level, a researcher in Cairo who investigated the effects of polyester on sexual activity. (He dressed rats in polyester pants, and found that they, unlike John Travolta in the 1970s, got less action than the cotton-clad rats.) And she went to a sex-machine trade show—why not? But perhaps most interesting, are her observations on how changes in attitudes toward sex are mirrored in the way the research has been done from the Victorians to the Viagrans.
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NEWSWEEK's Susanna Schrobsdorff talked with Mary Roach about the perils and pleasures of her latest obsession. Excerpts:NEWSWEEK:
Are you perhaps the only writer who has had sex in front of a stranger in the name of research?Mary Roach: Well, there are all those prostitutes who keep writing books, but they're doing it for money, not research.But your books make money….[Laughs.] True, I guess we're basically having sex for the same reason-- me and the prostitutes.
How exactly did you get your husband to agree to have sex in an exam room?
He's been a such great sport about my work. He'd do anything to help. Once I did a "Mars and Venus" story and we had to talk to these other couples about our love needs, which of course he hated. It was a tongue-in-cheek piece. [Laughs.] When I told him [about the ultrasound project], he said, yeah, sure, without really thinking. By the time he thought it through, it was too late, the tickets were booked. Afterward, he said, "I feel really weird."
I bet. Sex at home must seem great after that
Yeah, especially since I don't have to wear a hospital johnny [gown].
You spend years intensely researching these books, is it all-consuming?
Yes, I get really immersed. After I wrote "Stiff," I got an e-mail saying you got a good review in the Kirkus Review. But I heard that as "You got a good review in the Carcass Review. "I thought, oh, OK, that's nice that the industry liked it. Now, I'm so used to saying penis, vagina, orgasm, that I forget other people aren't.
You must be fun at parties.
I have to be careful. When unsuspecting people asked about my book I used to launch right into clitoral this and penis that, and I'd see that they were sort of stunned. I guess they were expecting a little bit of foreplay first.
Is it impossible to avoid double entendres when you write about sex?
I really tried to avoid them, but my editor said, Mary, I think there are too many puns in here. I didn't even realize it. For example, you can't use the phrase to come, you can't use the adjective hard. There was a guy doing an orgasm study in New Jersey, and he said to me, "You could be a subject." Basically I would have had to masturbate inside an MRI machine. I said, oh, OK, if I have to. I didn't end up doing it, but I wrote to say I'm looking forward to coming and then realized I can't say that.
You're writing about some pretty complicated science—were you writing to pass muster with scientists, or relate to lay people—I mean nonscientists?
The scientists who are in the book realize the value of having the material explained to the lay people. Oh no, I guess I can't use that phrase now. [Laughs.] There's a guy in "Spook" who felt that there should have been more statistical detail. Some researchers might think that by omitting stuff, I'm compromising what they're doing, but I think they find that there's value in getting the public excited about their subject. We'll see what they say about this one, I haven't sent it out to them yet.
You use some pretty explicit colloquial terms for sex, did you worry that might cause problems?
No one has complained so far. And I think I only used "f--k" once, and that was in a footnote.
And what about interviews, is it harder to talk about some of the graphic details than it was to write about them?I was on NPR yesterday, and I actually had my publicist ask in advance: "Can I say 'clitoris' on NPR?" And she said yes, so I did. Afterward I asked them, "Did I go too far?" And they said: "No not far enough!" Apparently everyone's OK with it.Well, let's see how much of this interview gets into NEWSWEEK….[Laughs.]
The scientists you write about are really quirky characters. Is that common to sex researchers?
The book is about how the science was done as much as it is about the science itself. I did try to find interesting people, but there was no one I thought was too dull to be in my book. Sometimes, they're a little wary about how they appear in print, and whether they're going to get criticized for getting funding for this kind of research.
You're kind of like the Bill Bryson of sex and death. He also manages to be hilarious while weaving tons of information into his books.
Oh, he's my hero. He gets the perfect ratio of information to humor. It is a challenge to keep it amusing without interrupting the flow of an explanation. It was really tough in my last book, "Spook." I was talking about quantum mechanics and trying to keep it funny—it's not easy. I put a lot in the footnotes.
Like the guy in "Bonk" who was the "chief visioneer" of a company that makes videos of sex machines? You say in the footnote that he also has a waste management company… Their motto was, "No. 1 in the No. 2 business." I just couldn't leave that out. I've been called to task for putting too much in footnotes, but I do try to keep it entertaining.
"Bonk" is already climbing the charts. That must be gratifying.
My books have done well. "Stiff" is the book that won't die. It's on a lot of high-school and college curriculums. If you put severed heads in a book, boys will read it.
Do you think "Bonk" will go into classrooms?
That will be more of challenge, but it's already in some human-sexuality college classes. Possibly the sex-machine chapter will throw some people off.
You mean the part about the sixtysomething-year-old woman testing the "Thrillhammer" machine?
Yeah, that part might be a bit much.So you've written about sex, death and the afterlife.
What's left?
Space. I'm going to write about traveling to Mars and vacuums and all the weird early exploration.
Short of actually dying, it's hard to imagine that anyone could be more familiar with the subject—or funnier about it. So it's no surprise that when writing "Bonk: The Curious Coupling of Science and Sex," she didn't just interview sex researchers, or pore through centuries of lab notes—she actually volunteered to have sex in the name of science. And by that we mean she brought her heroic husband, Ed, from their home in California to an exam room in London to have a physics professor do some real time, 4-D ultrasound footage of their bodies (or at least the relevant parts) in motion.
It's difficult to say who deserves more credit for bravery, Mary or Ed, but the result is a hilarious scene for a book that she calls a tribute to the men and women who brave ridicule to investigate why we do what we do, in bed--or don't. She writes about Danish pig farmers who take animal husbandry to a whole new level, a researcher in Cairo who investigated the effects of polyester on sexual activity. (He dressed rats in polyester pants, and found that they, unlike John Travolta in the 1970s, got less action than the cotton-clad rats.) And she went to a sex-machine trade show—why not? But perhaps most interesting, are her observations on how changes in attitudes toward sex are mirrored in the way the research has been done from the Victorians to the Viagrans.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
NEWSWEEK's Susanna Schrobsdorff talked with Mary Roach about the perils and pleasures of her latest obsession. Excerpts:NEWSWEEK:
Are you perhaps the only writer who has had sex in front of a stranger in the name of research?Mary Roach: Well, there are all those prostitutes who keep writing books, but they're doing it for money, not research.But your books make money….[Laughs.] True, I guess we're basically having sex for the same reason-- me and the prostitutes.
How exactly did you get your husband to agree to have sex in an exam room?
He's been a such great sport about my work. He'd do anything to help. Once I did a "Mars and Venus" story and we had to talk to these other couples about our love needs, which of course he hated. It was a tongue-in-cheek piece. [Laughs.] When I told him [about the ultrasound project], he said, yeah, sure, without really thinking. By the time he thought it through, it was too late, the tickets were booked. Afterward, he said, "I feel really weird."
I bet. Sex at home must seem great after that
Yeah, especially since I don't have to wear a hospital johnny [gown].
You spend years intensely researching these books, is it all-consuming?
Yes, I get really immersed. After I wrote "Stiff," I got an e-mail saying you got a good review in the Kirkus Review. But I heard that as "You got a good review in the Carcass Review. "I thought, oh, OK, that's nice that the industry liked it. Now, I'm so used to saying penis, vagina, orgasm, that I forget other people aren't.
You must be fun at parties.
I have to be careful. When unsuspecting people asked about my book I used to launch right into clitoral this and penis that, and I'd see that they were sort of stunned. I guess they were expecting a little bit of foreplay first.
Is it impossible to avoid double entendres when you write about sex?
I really tried to avoid them, but my editor said, Mary, I think there are too many puns in here. I didn't even realize it. For example, you can't use the phrase to come, you can't use the adjective hard. There was a guy doing an orgasm study in New Jersey, and he said to me, "You could be a subject." Basically I would have had to masturbate inside an MRI machine. I said, oh, OK, if I have to. I didn't end up doing it, but I wrote to say I'm looking forward to coming and then realized I can't say that.
You're writing about some pretty complicated science—were you writing to pass muster with scientists, or relate to lay people—I mean nonscientists?
The scientists who are in the book realize the value of having the material explained to the lay people. Oh no, I guess I can't use that phrase now. [Laughs.] There's a guy in "Spook" who felt that there should have been more statistical detail. Some researchers might think that by omitting stuff, I'm compromising what they're doing, but I think they find that there's value in getting the public excited about their subject. We'll see what they say about this one, I haven't sent it out to them yet.
You use some pretty explicit colloquial terms for sex, did you worry that might cause problems?
No one has complained so far. And I think I only used "f--k" once, and that was in a footnote.
And what about interviews, is it harder to talk about some of the graphic details than it was to write about them?I was on NPR yesterday, and I actually had my publicist ask in advance: "Can I say 'clitoris' on NPR?" And she said yes, so I did. Afterward I asked them, "Did I go too far?" And they said: "No not far enough!" Apparently everyone's OK with it.Well, let's see how much of this interview gets into NEWSWEEK….[Laughs.]
The scientists you write about are really quirky characters. Is that common to sex researchers?
The book is about how the science was done as much as it is about the science itself. I did try to find interesting people, but there was no one I thought was too dull to be in my book. Sometimes, they're a little wary about how they appear in print, and whether they're going to get criticized for getting funding for this kind of research.
You're kind of like the Bill Bryson of sex and death. He also manages to be hilarious while weaving tons of information into his books.
Oh, he's my hero. He gets the perfect ratio of information to humor. It is a challenge to keep it amusing without interrupting the flow of an explanation. It was really tough in my last book, "Spook." I was talking about quantum mechanics and trying to keep it funny—it's not easy. I put a lot in the footnotes.
Like the guy in "Bonk" who was the "chief visioneer" of a company that makes videos of sex machines? You say in the footnote that he also has a waste management company… Their motto was, "No. 1 in the No. 2 business." I just couldn't leave that out. I've been called to task for putting too much in footnotes, but I do try to keep it entertaining.
"Bonk" is already climbing the charts. That must be gratifying.
My books have done well. "Stiff" is the book that won't die. It's on a lot of high-school and college curriculums. If you put severed heads in a book, boys will read it.
Do you think "Bonk" will go into classrooms?
That will be more of challenge, but it's already in some human-sexuality college classes. Possibly the sex-machine chapter will throw some people off.
You mean the part about the sixtysomething-year-old woman testing the "Thrillhammer" machine?
Yeah, that part might be a bit much.So you've written about sex, death and the afterlife.
What's left?
Space. I'm going to write about traveling to Mars and vacuums and all the weird early exploration.
Entertainment - Jacksons reunite at BMI Urban Awards
(LOS ANGELES) The Jacksons were crowned icons at the BMI Urban Awards, but the King of Pop was an absentee.
Janet Jackson presented her music-making brothers — Michael, Tito, Jackie, Marlon, Jermaine and Randy — with the lifetime achievement BMI Icon award following a musical tribute at the award show celebrating R&B and hip-hop's top hitmakers. While Tito, Jackie, Marlon and Randy reunited Thursday to accept the award, Jermaine and Michael didn't attend the Wilshire Theatre ceremony.
Where was the Moonwalker?
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
"I don't know," Marlon told The Associated Press before the show. "I think he's in Egypt riding a camel or something."
The Jackson Five — which included Michael along with Marlon, Jackie, Tito and Jermaine — was a groundbreaking, best-selling act that debuted on the 1969 album "Diana Ross Presents The Jackson 5." The group simply became the Jacksons after leaving Motown in 1976, replacing Jermaine with Randy. They continued their multiplatinum success with such hits as "ABC" and "I Want You Back."
"It's a great honor to know your music influenced a generation," said Tito. "We're very proud of this moment."
The tribute kicked off with dance troupe Jabbawockeez performing a funky "Dancing Machine" routine. Music group ONE sang "I Want You Back." JoJo and Lloyd partnered on "I'll Be There" before Mario unleashed a high-energy rendition of "Heartbreak Hotel" and Keri Hilson crooned "Who's Loving You." The finale featured Mario, Bobby Valentino, Lloyd and Ray J teaming up for "Never Can Say Goodbye."
Before presenting her brothers with the award, Janet said her family was her greatest commodity and that she was proud to salute her siblings for their accomplishments in the music industry.
Following the acceptance of the icon award, the Jackson brothers posed on stage for photos with father Joseph, mother Katherine and sisters Janet, LaToya and Rebbie. The Jacksons did not perform.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Other BMI Urban Award winners included Soulja Boy, Polow Da Don, Rodney Jerkins and DJ Montay. Song of the year was awarded to Ne-Yo, Espen Lind and Amund Bjorklund for "Irreplaceable." Jonathan "J.R." Rotem, Kanye West and T-Pain were honored as producers of the year. T-Pain was also selected as songwriter of the year. Universal Music Publishing Group was given the publisher of the year award.
BMI — Broadcast Music Inc. — is a performing rights organization that collects license fees on behalf of its songwriters, composers and music publishers and distributes them as royalties to those members whose works have been performed
Janet Jackson presented her music-making brothers — Michael, Tito, Jackie, Marlon, Jermaine and Randy — with the lifetime achievement BMI Icon award following a musical tribute at the award show celebrating R&B and hip-hop's top hitmakers. While Tito, Jackie, Marlon and Randy reunited Thursday to accept the award, Jermaine and Michael didn't attend the Wilshire Theatre ceremony.
Where was the Moonwalker?
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
"I don't know," Marlon told The Associated Press before the show. "I think he's in Egypt riding a camel or something."
The Jackson Five — which included Michael along with Marlon, Jackie, Tito and Jermaine — was a groundbreaking, best-selling act that debuted on the 1969 album "Diana Ross Presents The Jackson 5." The group simply became the Jacksons after leaving Motown in 1976, replacing Jermaine with Randy. They continued their multiplatinum success with such hits as "ABC" and "I Want You Back."
"It's a great honor to know your music influenced a generation," said Tito. "We're very proud of this moment."
The tribute kicked off with dance troupe Jabbawockeez performing a funky "Dancing Machine" routine. Music group ONE sang "I Want You Back." JoJo and Lloyd partnered on "I'll Be There" before Mario unleashed a high-energy rendition of "Heartbreak Hotel" and Keri Hilson crooned "Who's Loving You." The finale featured Mario, Bobby Valentino, Lloyd and Ray J teaming up for "Never Can Say Goodbye."
Before presenting her brothers with the award, Janet said her family was her greatest commodity and that she was proud to salute her siblings for their accomplishments in the music industry.
Following the acceptance of the icon award, the Jackson brothers posed on stage for photos with father Joseph, mother Katherine and sisters Janet, LaToya and Rebbie. The Jacksons did not perform.
placeAd2(commercialNode,'bigbox',false,'')
Other BMI Urban Award winners included Soulja Boy, Polow Da Don, Rodney Jerkins and DJ Montay. Song of the year was awarded to Ne-Yo, Espen Lind and Amund Bjorklund for "Irreplaceable." Jonathan "J.R." Rotem, Kanye West and T-Pain were honored as producers of the year. T-Pain was also selected as songwriter of the year. Universal Music Publishing Group was given the publisher of the year award.
BMI — Broadcast Music Inc. — is a performing rights organization that collects license fees on behalf of its songwriters, composers and music publishers and distributes them as royalties to those members whose works have been performed
Tech - Lighting the way to affordable solar power
For the three billion people living on less than $2 a day, the idea of finding enough money to install solar power in their homes would seem a fanciful one, particularly when around two billion people lack access to electricity in the first place.
But there are those that now say that solar power is no longer a pipe dream for people in the poorest parts of the world.
One of those people is Nicole Kuepper. Kuepper has just won a top science award in her native Australia for an eco-invention specifically designed to benefit those living in the developing world.
She has managed to find a way to manufacture solar cells with the help of an inkjet printer, some nail varnish remover-like substance and a pizza oven.
The result is a solar product called iJET which Kuepper says should slash the costs of making solar panels in half by taking expensive clean-room style production facilities and high labor costs out of the equation.
"I was interested in ways to simplify the process," the University of New South Wales PhD student and lecturer explains. "We figured if we made the manufacturing [process] easier to understand, it could work in developing countries."
And getting locals interested in solar won't be a difficult sell, she believes.
"In a lot of these rural environments, people are spending a lot of their money on energy anyway. So in developing countries, it is actually a lot more cost-competitive. Photovoltaics (PV) are already directly competing with what they are spending money on," says Kuepper.
Jeremy Leggett founder of UK solar energy provider, Solar Century says any new ideas are welcome, but is confident the course to cheap solar power has been charted anyway.
"There is a revolution under way with existing technology, which includes crystalline silicon and thin film, so anything else, any technological breakthroughs are going to be massive icing on the cake," says Leggett.
"And in the developing world, what other choice is there? Many households in the developing world can afford it now because it is cheaper than what it is competing with, particularly kerosene. Really poor people will save money with solar."
Community efforts and micro-finance lead the way
Solar solutions for the poor won't necessarily come from any kind of overhaul of the national grid but from their own efforts, Leggett believes.
"In the developing world the grid doesn't even work and it is massively expensive to extend the grid. And the challenge is also getting distribution in place."
Getting people installing solar themselves on a house-by-house and community-by-community basis is the way forward, he suggests.
His charity Solar Aid has been doing that in Malawi, Tanzania and Zambia recently to convert local inhabitants' kerosene lanterns into light-emitting diode (LED) solar ones. He calls it "the easiest sell in the world".
"You can take an existing kerosene lantern and for a very short payback you can buy a solar panel, a couple of batteries and LED's and convert the lamp," he says.
"People are quite capable of doing this stuff."
People might be capable, but the question of money will always remain. According to Solar Aid's web site, the components needed for a solar lantern cost around $7 while the final product sells for around $12.
For Leggett, however, the answer to pervading money issues in the poorest parts of the world is straightforward enough: micro-finance.
"I think the most important thing is the widespread availability of micro-credit," argues Leggett reasoning: "The default rates for micro loans are really, really low."
Kuepper may be hoping a micro-loan will allow some of the poorest people to take advantage of her invention once it is available in the marketplace.
But she hopes it will be easily accessible to the poorest people anyway. Her idea is not just to bring solar provision to developing world households but to take the industry there too.
If local entrepreneurs were able to make solar cells themselves for their own local markets then jobs would be created locally. The cost savings associated with local manufacturing would get passed down to the consumer.
"Manufacturing is definitely not commonplace in the least developed countries, like Laos, for example," she says. "That would be my endgame."
For now, Kuepper's work means figuring out ways to make iJET even cheaper. And for her that means tackling one major issue: how to use less silicon.
"About 50 percent of the cost of a solar module comes from silicon itself, so clearly we need to use less," she says
But there are those that now say that solar power is no longer a pipe dream for people in the poorest parts of the world.
One of those people is Nicole Kuepper. Kuepper has just won a top science award in her native Australia for an eco-invention specifically designed to benefit those living in the developing world.
She has managed to find a way to manufacture solar cells with the help of an inkjet printer, some nail varnish remover-like substance and a pizza oven.
The result is a solar product called iJET which Kuepper says should slash the costs of making solar panels in half by taking expensive clean-room style production facilities and high labor costs out of the equation.
"I was interested in ways to simplify the process," the University of New South Wales PhD student and lecturer explains. "We figured if we made the manufacturing [process] easier to understand, it could work in developing countries."
And getting locals interested in solar won't be a difficult sell, she believes.
"In a lot of these rural environments, people are spending a lot of their money on energy anyway. So in developing countries, it is actually a lot more cost-competitive. Photovoltaics (PV) are already directly competing with what they are spending money on," says Kuepper.
Jeremy Leggett founder of UK solar energy provider, Solar Century says any new ideas are welcome, but is confident the course to cheap solar power has been charted anyway.
"There is a revolution under way with existing technology, which includes crystalline silicon and thin film, so anything else, any technological breakthroughs are going to be massive icing on the cake," says Leggett.
"And in the developing world, what other choice is there? Many households in the developing world can afford it now because it is cheaper than what it is competing with, particularly kerosene. Really poor people will save money with solar."
Community efforts and micro-finance lead the way
Solar solutions for the poor won't necessarily come from any kind of overhaul of the national grid but from their own efforts, Leggett believes.
"In the developing world the grid doesn't even work and it is massively expensive to extend the grid. And the challenge is also getting distribution in place."
Getting people installing solar themselves on a house-by-house and community-by-community basis is the way forward, he suggests.
His charity Solar Aid has been doing that in Malawi, Tanzania and Zambia recently to convert local inhabitants' kerosene lanterns into light-emitting diode (LED) solar ones. He calls it "the easiest sell in the world".
"You can take an existing kerosene lantern and for a very short payback you can buy a solar panel, a couple of batteries and LED's and convert the lamp," he says.
"People are quite capable of doing this stuff."
People might be capable, but the question of money will always remain. According to Solar Aid's web site, the components needed for a solar lantern cost around $7 while the final product sells for around $12.
For Leggett, however, the answer to pervading money issues in the poorest parts of the world is straightforward enough: micro-finance.
"I think the most important thing is the widespread availability of micro-credit," argues Leggett reasoning: "The default rates for micro loans are really, really low."
Kuepper may be hoping a micro-loan will allow some of the poorest people to take advantage of her invention once it is available in the marketplace.
But she hopes it will be easily accessible to the poorest people anyway. Her idea is not just to bring solar provision to developing world households but to take the industry there too.
If local entrepreneurs were able to make solar cells themselves for their own local markets then jobs would be created locally. The cost savings associated with local manufacturing would get passed down to the consumer.
"Manufacturing is definitely not commonplace in the least developed countries, like Laos, for example," she says. "That would be my endgame."
For now, Kuepper's work means figuring out ways to make iJET even cheaper. And for her that means tackling one major issue: how to use less silicon.
"About 50 percent of the cost of a solar module comes from silicon itself, so clearly we need to use less," she says
Business - 10 Indian companies among Asia's Fabulous 50
Ten Indian companies led by the likes of state-run Bharat Heavy Electricals, telecom major Bharti Airtel and Mukesh Ambani-led Reliance Industries have made their way into the Forbes' list of 50 best listed companies in the Asia-Pacific region.
The 'Asian Fabulous 50' ranking is topped by Taiwan-based computer maker Acer, while BHEL and Bharti Airtel are the top ranked Indian companies at the overall fifth and sixth spots.
Acer is followed by Chinese steel maker Angang Steel, Taiwan's Asustek Computer and Indonesia's Bank Rakyat Indonesia at the second, third and fourth spots, respectively.
Among Indian firms, BHEL and Bharti Airtel are followed by private sector lender HDFC Bank (22), IT bellwether Infosys (25), diversified conglomerate ITC (27), engineering and infrastructure firm Larsen & Toubro (30), auto maker Mahindra & Mahindra (34), Reliance Industries (39), world's sixth largest steel maker Tata Steel (44) and software exporter Wipro (46).
Among countries, China has the maximum representation with 13 firms, while India comes second with its 10 companies.
"Indian companies once again had a strong showing, with 10 making our cut. Infosys and Wipro, perennial top performers, are back for the fourth year. Reliance Industries, Bharat Heavy and Larsen & Toubro are back for the third year.”
"Consumer-oriented companies such as Bharti Airtel, HDFC Bank, Mahindra & Mahindra and ITC are growing with India's middle class," the magazine said in an accompanying report.
The list is based on long-term profitability, sales and earnings growth, stock price appreciation and projected earnings for every company in the region with revenues or market capitalisation of at least five billion dollars
The 'Asian Fabulous 50' ranking is topped by Taiwan-based computer maker Acer, while BHEL and Bharti Airtel are the top ranked Indian companies at the overall fifth and sixth spots.
Acer is followed by Chinese steel maker Angang Steel, Taiwan's Asustek Computer and Indonesia's Bank Rakyat Indonesia at the second, third and fourth spots, respectively.
Among Indian firms, BHEL and Bharti Airtel are followed by private sector lender HDFC Bank (22), IT bellwether Infosys (25), diversified conglomerate ITC (27), engineering and infrastructure firm Larsen & Toubro (30), auto maker Mahindra & Mahindra (34), Reliance Industries (39), world's sixth largest steel maker Tata Steel (44) and software exporter Wipro (46).
Among countries, China has the maximum representation with 13 firms, while India comes second with its 10 companies.
"Indian companies once again had a strong showing, with 10 making our cut. Infosys and Wipro, perennial top performers, are back for the fourth year. Reliance Industries, Bharat Heavy and Larsen & Toubro are back for the third year.”
"Consumer-oriented companies such as Bharti Airtel, HDFC Bank, Mahindra & Mahindra and ITC are growing with India's middle class," the magazine said in an accompanying report.
The list is based on long-term profitability, sales and earnings growth, stock price appreciation and projected earnings for every company in the region with revenues or market capitalisation of at least five billion dollars
India - IIMs look to outsource CAT
New Delhi: After facing criticism over errors and leaking of exam questions ahead of the common admission test (CAT), an all-India test conducted by the Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) as an entrance exam for their much-sought-after management programmes, the autonomous institutes under the Union government are now looking to outsource the exam to a global testing company.
The institutes, which have rolled out the process for inviting tenders from companies for conducting CAT, have already shortlisted four companies, two of which command strong presence in global testing market.
The companies in the race are ETS Prometric, Eduquity Ventures, Attest and Pearson VUE (Virtual University Enterprises).
While ETS Prometric is a US-based company that handles global exams, such as the graduate record examination (GRE) and test of English as a foreign language (TOEFL) for admission to universities and colleges in the US, Pearson VUE of Pearson Plc., based in the UK, is the sole testing partner worldwide for tests such as the graduate management aptitude test (GMAT) and Cisco Corp.’s certification exam.
Of the two Indian companies in the bidding process, Bangalore-based Eduquity Ventures currently conducts Bitsat for the Birla Institute of Technology, Pilani, and Attest is a testing division of Aptech Ltd, a company that deals in computer training and courseware.
The four companies have been selected after a March pre-qualification notice. About 30 companies had placed initial bids.
Hoping to make CAT an online test by 2009, IIMs are currently working on the tender document for the process.
“Central to the tender are the issues and concerns raised about such a large exam as CAT, conducted across vast geography, where managing logistics becomes very difficult. Manual testing is open to vagaries of nature and human errors,” said one IIM official requesting anonymity.
The move, largely aimed at introducing a system of computer-based testing (CBT) in India, is being seen as IIMs’ pioneering effort towards creating a market for testing services in the country and also introducing an error-free mechanism for their entrance test, which, in the last few years, has been marred with complaints of leaks and errors in question papers—marking an exception in the otherwise impeccable record of IIMs in managing their tests.
In 2003, for example, the question paper for CAT leaked ahead of the exam, a first in the 28-year-old history of the test.
That led to a retest in February 2004. IIMs then attributed the leak to logistical problems. Then the CAT 2006 had printing errors in the questions.
The institutes accepted the errors and formed a committee that ruled that the wrong questions will be ignored. The idea of a retest was set aside by the authorities.
However, with the advent of CBT, human errors and sporadic complaints of impersonation at test sites are likely to decline, with a security system keeping human intervention to a minimum.
The CBT system would also set in motion the process for introduction of an “on demand” testing model for CAT, which has often been suggested as a replacement for “single day, single test” format that are used in all such tests in the country.
Tests such as GRE and GMAT are done on a CBT system that records an audit trail with details of people accessing the system to effectively plug loopholes that might lead to leaks, or errors.
Such a system also creates an item bank that delivers an impromptu and unique set of questions to those taking the test.
About 200,000 applicants take CAT, considered one of the toughest business school entrance exams in the world, each year for entry into IIMs and 120, or so managements schools, such as the SP Jain Institute of Management and Research (SPJIMR), Mumbai; Management DevelopmentInstitute (MDI), Gurgaon; Mudra Institute of Communications Ahmedabad (MICA), Ahmedabad and National Institute of Industrial Engineering (Nitie), Mumbai, that consider CAT scores for admission.
The number of test-takers jumped from 90,000 to 230,000 aspirants over the last four years, a far cry from just a decade ago when the number of CAT applicants was around 35,000 annually.
With the number of applicants increasing by 20,000 every year, the directors of the six IIMs took a collective decision in 2006 to fix a minimum academic eligibility for the test in order to limit the number of applicants. The decision was also aimed at cutting the load on faculty members of IIMs, who were seen to be spending a considerable time on conducting the tests and completing the admission process.
So far, the exams have been collectively conducted and directly managed by the institutes.
The institutes, which have rolled out the process for inviting tenders from companies for conducting CAT, have already shortlisted four companies, two of which command strong presence in global testing market.
The companies in the race are ETS Prometric, Eduquity Ventures, Attest and Pearson VUE (Virtual University Enterprises).
While ETS Prometric is a US-based company that handles global exams, such as the graduate record examination (GRE) and test of English as a foreign language (TOEFL) for admission to universities and colleges in the US, Pearson VUE of Pearson Plc., based in the UK, is the sole testing partner worldwide for tests such as the graduate management aptitude test (GMAT) and Cisco Corp.’s certification exam.
Of the two Indian companies in the bidding process, Bangalore-based Eduquity Ventures currently conducts Bitsat for the Birla Institute of Technology, Pilani, and Attest is a testing division of Aptech Ltd, a company that deals in computer training and courseware.
The four companies have been selected after a March pre-qualification notice. About 30 companies had placed initial bids.
Hoping to make CAT an online test by 2009, IIMs are currently working on the tender document for the process.
“Central to the tender are the issues and concerns raised about such a large exam as CAT, conducted across vast geography, where managing logistics becomes very difficult. Manual testing is open to vagaries of nature and human errors,” said one IIM official requesting anonymity.
The move, largely aimed at introducing a system of computer-based testing (CBT) in India, is being seen as IIMs’ pioneering effort towards creating a market for testing services in the country and also introducing an error-free mechanism for their entrance test, which, in the last few years, has been marred with complaints of leaks and errors in question papers—marking an exception in the otherwise impeccable record of IIMs in managing their tests.
In 2003, for example, the question paper for CAT leaked ahead of the exam, a first in the 28-year-old history of the test.
That led to a retest in February 2004. IIMs then attributed the leak to logistical problems. Then the CAT 2006 had printing errors in the questions.
The institutes accepted the errors and formed a committee that ruled that the wrong questions will be ignored. The idea of a retest was set aside by the authorities.
However, with the advent of CBT, human errors and sporadic complaints of impersonation at test sites are likely to decline, with a security system keeping human intervention to a minimum.
The CBT system would also set in motion the process for introduction of an “on demand” testing model for CAT, which has often been suggested as a replacement for “single day, single test” format that are used in all such tests in the country.
Tests such as GRE and GMAT are done on a CBT system that records an audit trail with details of people accessing the system to effectively plug loopholes that might lead to leaks, or errors.
Such a system also creates an item bank that delivers an impromptu and unique set of questions to those taking the test.
About 200,000 applicants take CAT, considered one of the toughest business school entrance exams in the world, each year for entry into IIMs and 120, or so managements schools, such as the SP Jain Institute of Management and Research (SPJIMR), Mumbai; Management DevelopmentInstitute (MDI), Gurgaon; Mudra Institute of Communications Ahmedabad (MICA), Ahmedabad and National Institute of Industrial Engineering (Nitie), Mumbai, that consider CAT scores for admission.
The number of test-takers jumped from 90,000 to 230,000 aspirants over the last four years, a far cry from just a decade ago when the number of CAT applicants was around 35,000 annually.
With the number of applicants increasing by 20,000 every year, the directors of the six IIMs took a collective decision in 2006 to fix a minimum academic eligibility for the test in order to limit the number of applicants. The decision was also aimed at cutting the load on faculty members of IIMs, who were seen to be spending a considerable time on conducting the tests and completing the admission process.
So far, the exams have been collectively conducted and directly managed by the institutes.
Business - Unilever names Nestle's Polman as CEO
Unilever Plc/NV named Paul Polman, a consumer goods veteran who missed out on the top job at Swiss food group Nestle SA last year, as its new chief executive on Thursday, sending its shares surging.
Unilever, the Anglo-Dutch maker of goods ranging from Sunsilk shampoo and Hellmann's mayonnaise to Dove soap and Knorr soups, said Polman, 52, would replace Patrick Cescau, who turns 60 later this month, around the end of the year.
"I think they've made an excellent appointment ... They've really scored a home run here," said Investec analyst Martin Deboo, noting that Polman had extensive experience at both Nestle and US group Procter & Gamble, Unilever's main competitors in food and personal care respectively.
At 0729 GMT, Unilever shares were up 6.1 per cent at 1,581 pence, topping the FTSE Eurofirst index of leading European shares.
Cescau become Unilever's first ever chief executive in April 2005 and aimed to transform the business, which had lagged sales growth at its biggest rivals, by slashing jobs and selling low-growth businesses.
His success was thrown into question in July when the group reported that price rises had slowed sales growth in the second quarter, sending its shares tumbling.
Investec's Deboo said Polman would have to consider whether more radical steps were needed to continue Cescau's work, and thought the group needed to improve its execution with retailers in particular.
Polman joined Nestle in 2006 as chief financial officer. Widely tipped as a successor to Nestle Chief Executive Peter Brabeck-Letmathe, Polman missed out when the world's biggest food group picked former Americas head Paul Bulcke instead last September.
Polman was head of Nestle's Americas business on his departure. Before joining Nestle, he was at Procter & Gamble for 26 years, leading its European business from 2001 to 2005.
"He is a great talent with significant international experience and an excellent track record," Unilever Chairman Michael Treschow said in a statement.
"He has all the attributes necessary to build on Patrick's achievements."
Unilever, the Anglo-Dutch maker of goods ranging from Sunsilk shampoo and Hellmann's mayonnaise to Dove soap and Knorr soups, said Polman, 52, would replace Patrick Cescau, who turns 60 later this month, around the end of the year.
"I think they've made an excellent appointment ... They've really scored a home run here," said Investec analyst Martin Deboo, noting that Polman had extensive experience at both Nestle and US group Procter & Gamble, Unilever's main competitors in food and personal care respectively.
At 0729 GMT, Unilever shares were up 6.1 per cent at 1,581 pence, topping the FTSE Eurofirst index of leading European shares.
Cescau become Unilever's first ever chief executive in April 2005 and aimed to transform the business, which had lagged sales growth at its biggest rivals, by slashing jobs and selling low-growth businesses.
His success was thrown into question in July when the group reported that price rises had slowed sales growth in the second quarter, sending its shares tumbling.
Investec's Deboo said Polman would have to consider whether more radical steps were needed to continue Cescau's work, and thought the group needed to improve its execution with retailers in particular.
Polman joined Nestle in 2006 as chief financial officer. Widely tipped as a successor to Nestle Chief Executive Peter Brabeck-Letmathe, Polman missed out when the world's biggest food group picked former Americas head Paul Bulcke instead last September.
Polman was head of Nestle's Americas business on his departure. Before joining Nestle, he was at Procter & Gamble for 26 years, leading its European business from 2001 to 2005.
"He is a great talent with significant international experience and an excellent track record," Unilever Chairman Michael Treschow said in a statement.
"He has all the attributes necessary to build on Patrick's achievements."
Mktg - Families that pray together,stick to old brands
AHMEDABAD: The Viranis, the Sarabhais and the Thakkars are not just scaling up TRPs through their unending joint-family saga. They could well be credited for upsetting business plans of several MNCs who find it difficult to wean consumers away from homegrown brands. Loyalty to ‘traditional’ brands has been one of the reasons behind the success of Nirma, Rasna, Wagh Bakri and other regional brands who are able to withstand competition from bigger national and multi-national players. These brands along with many of their regional peers have their origins in Gujarat, a state that has one of the strongest joint-family cultures and a typically low migration. While traditional businesses kept youth within families, prohibition and slow growth of knowledge-driven sectors like IT and ITeS ensured that fewer outsiders came into Gujarat to influence its culture. Thus, the joint-family culture coupled with less percentage of migrants effectively dodge MNCs and national labels while enabling the local brands to create their citadels amid the organised retail boom. It is not just value for money that counts in Gujarat. The loyalty of the populace to regional brands is more to do with the habits of the families, says Mudra Communications president Chandan Nath. He knows that loyalty to these brands stems from their continuous usage in the families over generations. While MNCs might introduce the product with a bang and some seasonal offers to penetrate the market, consumers will finally revert to the brands they are loyal to. Mahesh Manjawala, the man behind tea brand Wagh Bakri’s ads (and Vadilal and Fortune Refined Oil), understands the market too well by now. Heading Trion Communications in the state, Mr Manjawala has seen some of his regional clients trample over national biggies. “A Gujarati family hooked on to Wagh Bakri will not take to any other brand. Tea is an inertia-driven product and families in Gujarat will not switch over to other brands unlike (nuclear) families elsewhere. So be it edible oil or hair oil or a shampoo, consumers from a joint family will remain loyal to their family brand—the product used over generations,” he says. Joint families have not just ensured upkeep of traditional values but also prevented erosion by insulating them from outside influence. Gujarat boasts of a strong local consumer population than that of migrants, which explains the region’s localised consumption pattern, says analyst Harish Bijoor of Harish Bijoor Consults. Although Fortune (Adani-Wilmar’s edible oil brand) traces its roots to Gujarat, it finds stiff competition from Tirupati brand of edible oil. “Tirupati is deeply entrenched in the households of Gujarat. It has a heritage that is difficult to be challenged. Fortune could not find takers in those families and has become more of a national brand now,” said an analyst. Pantaloons Retail’s zonal chief (Gujarat) Anand Adukia sums it all: “While a grandson might move out of his joint family in Gujarat, he will come back to his grandfather to make purchasing decisions. That is what makes this market difficult for modern retailers. One would not succeed unless the brand strikes a cord with the great Gujarati joint family.”
Mktg - Airtel,HP to promote broadband and PC Penetration
MUMBAI: The integrated telecom services provider Bharti Airtel inked a partnership with HP, in an effort to promote broadband and PC penetration in the country. Under the deal, Airtel will offer consumers a broadband connection at discounted entry cost with every HP and Compaq notebook and desktop.
Under the offer, Airtel is offering customers buying any HP Compaq notebook and Airtel broadband connection at pocket-friendly/ consumer-friendly terms that include zero security deposit and installation fee, free Wi-Fi connection and discounts on broadband rental up to 14 months.
Bharti Airtel CEO- North, telemedia services Deepak Srivastava said, “The synergies of the Airtel-HP alliance will leverage the symbiotic relationship between the PC and broadband, spurring uptake of best-in-class content and an enhanced on boarding experience for both existing and first time users. This initiative will further enhance our leadership in the broadband space, and is an excellent value for money proposition for our customers.”
HP PSG India director, consumer products Rajiev Grover added, “We have continuously worked towards creating an enabling ecosystem by not only creating a diverse product range, but also to create relevant offerings appealing for the dynamic market. With this partnership with Airtel broadband service, we have gone a step beyond adding value to the ultimate PC experience that HP has to offer.
Under the offer, Airtel is offering customers buying any HP Compaq notebook and Airtel broadband connection at pocket-friendly/ consumer-friendly terms that include zero security deposit and installation fee, free Wi-Fi connection and discounts on broadband rental up to 14 months.
Bharti Airtel CEO- North, telemedia services Deepak Srivastava said, “The synergies of the Airtel-HP alliance will leverage the symbiotic relationship between the PC and broadband, spurring uptake of best-in-class content and an enhanced on boarding experience for both existing and first time users. This initiative will further enhance our leadership in the broadband space, and is an excellent value for money proposition for our customers.”
HP PSG India director, consumer products Rajiev Grover added, “We have continuously worked towards creating an enabling ecosystem by not only creating a diverse product range, but also to create relevant offerings appealing for the dynamic market. With this partnership with Airtel broadband service, we have gone a step beyond adding value to the ultimate PC experience that HP has to offer.
India - Power price Vs Availability
In any open market, the price of a commodity that happens to be in short supply would move up as a signal for producers to increase supply, until a stable equilibrium between demand and supply is established. It should therefore come as no surprise to anyone that the price of power which is in the market to be traded has been going up. It is a scarce commodity, and the high price reflects that scarcity. This has however caused consternation at the power regulator’s office, which has just released a “staff” paper — which is a step down from a full-blown consultation paper, and does not necessarily represent the views of the Central Electricity Regulatory Commission, or CERC. The paper proposes measures for restraining the price of such short-term electricity. One of the key proposals mooted in the paper is a price cap of Rs 5 per unit for non-peak power, and Rs 6 per unit for peak power, to attack “profiteering” by states that have surplus power.
While it is a fact that the price at which power is being traded bears no correlation with the cost of power generation — a point that is highlighted in the paper — it is also a fact that it is this price of traded power which is encouraging investments in the power generation sector, especially investments in what are called merchant power plants. A higher price of power in the short term is therefore the route to ensure lower prices of power in the long term, through supply augmentation. Price caps will most certainly choke such investment in generation, and in the process widen the demand-supply gap in the long run.
There has been some concern expressed that state electricity boards, instead of supplying power to their in-state consumers at the existing tariffs, have been choosing to sell even scarce power in the wholesale market in order to maximise revenue. If the price cap is meant to address this issue, it will fail so long as the open market price is higher than the state tariff (which it will be in almost all cases). Indeed, the price caps may also drive up the average price of power. This is because power developers who have been proposing surprisingly low tariffs in competitively-bid state projects — tariffs that are lower than even the benchmark Rs 1.196 per unit quoted for the pithead-coal based Sasan “ultra mega power project” — are able to do so only by keeping aside a slice of capacity for short-term merchant sales, instead of locking all of it up in long-term (25 years) power purchase agreements. Currently, the volume of electricity being traded in the short-term market — bilaterally, through traders, through the power exchange and through the unscheduled interchange mechanism — is about 7-8 per cent of the total electricity generated in the country.
Price caps would also place a question mark on the future of power exchanges, at least one of which is already operational. Trading within limits defeats some of the purpose of trading. What needs to be recognised and accepted is that the increase in the price of power is not the result of rogue trades or traders, but a function of the demand-supply equation. There is therefore little merit in the proposed price caps, though if there were to be some out-of-the-box thinking at the Commission, it should look at tapping the increased ability, and willingness, of the consumer to pay a premium for power. The average consumer in Pune is willing to pay a surcharge to get assured 24 x 7 power. That would also be true of many other cities in the country. Perhaps it is time for the regulator to shift its focus from price to assured availability. As the old saying goes, there is no power that is as expensive as no power.
While it is a fact that the price at which power is being traded bears no correlation with the cost of power generation — a point that is highlighted in the paper — it is also a fact that it is this price of traded power which is encouraging investments in the power generation sector, especially investments in what are called merchant power plants. A higher price of power in the short term is therefore the route to ensure lower prices of power in the long term, through supply augmentation. Price caps will most certainly choke such investment in generation, and in the process widen the demand-supply gap in the long run.
There has been some concern expressed that state electricity boards, instead of supplying power to their in-state consumers at the existing tariffs, have been choosing to sell even scarce power in the wholesale market in order to maximise revenue. If the price cap is meant to address this issue, it will fail so long as the open market price is higher than the state tariff (which it will be in almost all cases). Indeed, the price caps may also drive up the average price of power. This is because power developers who have been proposing surprisingly low tariffs in competitively-bid state projects — tariffs that are lower than even the benchmark Rs 1.196 per unit quoted for the pithead-coal based Sasan “ultra mega power project” — are able to do so only by keeping aside a slice of capacity for short-term merchant sales, instead of locking all of it up in long-term (25 years) power purchase agreements. Currently, the volume of electricity being traded in the short-term market — bilaterally, through traders, through the power exchange and through the unscheduled interchange mechanism — is about 7-8 per cent of the total electricity generated in the country.
Price caps would also place a question mark on the future of power exchanges, at least one of which is already operational. Trading within limits defeats some of the purpose of trading. What needs to be recognised and accepted is that the increase in the price of power is not the result of rogue trades or traders, but a function of the demand-supply equation. There is therefore little merit in the proposed price caps, though if there were to be some out-of-the-box thinking at the Commission, it should look at tapping the increased ability, and willingness, of the consumer to pay a premium for power. The average consumer in Pune is willing to pay a surcharge to get assured 24 x 7 power. That would also be true of many other cities in the country. Perhaps it is time for the regulator to shift its focus from price to assured availability. As the old saying goes, there is no power that is as expensive as no power.
India - Good time to decontrol sugar
The Cabinet’s reluctance to approve the food and consumer affairs ministry’s proposal to decontrol sugar is hard to understand — especially when supplies are comfortable and set to improve further because of the dismantling of the sugar buffer of 5 million tonnes. Besides, the fresh crushing season is beginning next month, and will augment supplies. These realities seem to have made no impression on the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA), which has opted for putting on hold the move to do away with the 10 per cent sugar levy and the monthly release mechanism.
The main worry when it comes to sugar decontrol is that it might lead to a rise in sugar prices, and this understandably is a sensitive issue when the government is fighting to bring down today’s double-digit inflation rate. But, in truth, this is the most appropriate time for sugar decontrol, as argued by the agriculture and food minister, Sharad Pawar. Sugar inventories are comfortable, thanks to the carry-over of 11 million tonnes of stock from the last season. Sugar production in the new season is expected to drop, because there has been a shrinkage in cane acreage, but even the most pessimistic estimates of production do not see it dropping below the annual consumption level of about 20 million tonnes — which means there will be comfortable carry-over stocks into the following season as well. These are indications of supply continuing to outstrip demand, and should help keep sugar prices in check. In fact, decontrol in this situation may well exert a downward push on prices as a result of the freedom that factories will get to offer for sale any amount of sugar that they wish to offload from their buffer stocks.
It will be argued that abolition of the sugar levy will force state governments to meet the needs of the public distribution system (PDS) through commercial purchases, and that this will entail higher costs. This issue has been addressed in the food ministry’s sugar decontrol proposal, by envisaging that the Centre compensate the states for any financial obligations on this count. What this boils down to is that the fiscal burden of the sugar subsidy for the PDS, currently being borne by the sugar industry by parting with levy stocks at concessional prices, will shift to the government, which is fair. A vital point to be borne in mind, though, is that the objectives of sugar decontrol will be served fully only if the contentious system of cane price fixation by the Centre and the states is also done away with. The fear that such a move will lead to the exploitation of cane growers by the sugar mills must be tested, and may prove unfounded since the mills need cane to crush, and the farmers who grow the cane have the option to switch to other crops.
The main worry when it comes to sugar decontrol is that it might lead to a rise in sugar prices, and this understandably is a sensitive issue when the government is fighting to bring down today’s double-digit inflation rate. But, in truth, this is the most appropriate time for sugar decontrol, as argued by the agriculture and food minister, Sharad Pawar. Sugar inventories are comfortable, thanks to the carry-over of 11 million tonnes of stock from the last season. Sugar production in the new season is expected to drop, because there has been a shrinkage in cane acreage, but even the most pessimistic estimates of production do not see it dropping below the annual consumption level of about 20 million tonnes — which means there will be comfortable carry-over stocks into the following season as well. These are indications of supply continuing to outstrip demand, and should help keep sugar prices in check. In fact, decontrol in this situation may well exert a downward push on prices as a result of the freedom that factories will get to offer for sale any amount of sugar that they wish to offload from their buffer stocks.
It will be argued that abolition of the sugar levy will force state governments to meet the needs of the public distribution system (PDS) through commercial purchases, and that this will entail higher costs. This issue has been addressed in the food ministry’s sugar decontrol proposal, by envisaging that the Centre compensate the states for any financial obligations on this count. What this boils down to is that the fiscal burden of the sugar subsidy for the PDS, currently being borne by the sugar industry by parting with levy stocks at concessional prices, will shift to the government, which is fair. A vital point to be borne in mind, though, is that the objectives of sugar decontrol will be served fully only if the contentious system of cane price fixation by the Centre and the states is also done away with. The fear that such a move will lead to the exploitation of cane growers by the sugar mills must be tested, and may prove unfounded since the mills need cane to crush, and the farmers who grow the cane have the option to switch to other crops.
Mktg - Towards unique selling emotions
We, Indians, are emotional people. We are expressive and are not afraid to let our emotions be known. Observe cricket or any celebration, we show our emotions openly and fearlessly. Not surprisingly, Indian natya and nritya shastra (drama and dance science) identified the navrasas — hasya, raudra, karuna, shringar, adbhut, vibhatsa, shant, veera and bhay — as a means to connect with the audience and used these emotions extensively.
We are today living in a very competitive market world. The Indian consumer is experiencing the tyranny of choice — she is flooded with options and they are increasing everyday. With the emergence of organised retail, this is bound to continue to grow — in every category store brands will become a viable option. Simultaneously, there is a constant threat of commoditisation of many categories. Even in new emerging categories, which are either technology-driven or more complex in structure like mobile telephony and financial services, product differentiation is negligible or if created, gets copied within months. Benefit segments that existed in the 90s have disappeared due to consumer- and product-evolution. In personal care, “health” and “beauty” were two segments, today they are one; in consumer durables, consumers sought either “durability” or “aesthetics” — today they want both and hence it’s one. This makes the scenario pretty tough for brands in India.
The future of brands is, undoubtedly, to quote Jack Trout, “Differentiate or Die”. If a brand is not perceived as different from others in the marketplace, it faces the ignominy of extinction — quoting Trout’s erstwhile partner, Reis. It certainly makes sense to revisit, re-invent and re-interpret Rosser Reeves’ “unique selling proposition” in today’s world while building brands.
There is definitely a solution in Trout’s principles of brand differentiation. Be first in the category, own an attribute or the category, leverage heritage or how the product is made, specialise or use “preference” to be a differentiator. Underlying each of these is a rational product story and they work. However, there could be a bigger opportunity in using emotions as a differentiator in India.
Consider the following. “Tata” as a brand has successfully sold steel, automobiles, tea, salt, finance and even software. “Godrej” as a brand has successfully sold a range of categories from locks to fridges to soaps, cooking oil and detergents. In many of these categories, the brand was a follower to the leader and was not greatly differentiated at the rational level from the offerings in the market place. Distribution muscle does help. Indians are family name-driven — distinct from the individual name fascination of the West; but deeper in this is that consumers have bought the emotions of trust, reliability and ‘shant’ras — peace of mind the brands embody through their heritage and years of existence in the Indian market. Clearly these brands have been able to go beyond the USP and leverage a USE — unique selling emotions.
Branding is about creating stories around products and thus making them engaging and endearing to the consumer. The moral of a brand story is the message. However, hidden within story telling are emotions — the navrasas — which imbue brands with emotions, values and attitudes that could be a weapon of differentiation. Let’s look at some other iconic Indian brand examples.
Asian Paints means paint, but also means a feeling of “apnapan” — a feeling of belonging and happiness that makes it differentiated in the market space. Bru is about taste — the taste of filter coffee — but is equally also about the “authenticity” and “warmth” of emotions shared between the members drinking the coffee. Fevicol owns the attribute of “strong bond” but what makes it different are also the emotions and feelings of “earthy Indianness and simplicity”. What differentiated Vodafone/Hutch from others is not just product and category but the feeling of simplicity, charm and style that the stories of the brand have imbued it with over the last ten years. Titan is just not a world-class, good-looking quartz watch but carries with it the emotions of gifting — love, affection, shringar — imbued in the brand by the countless stories the brand has told consumers over the last 15 years!
When the brand story goes beyond advertising to touch consumers in the greater world through its event-based activities — whether about social responsibility or otherwise — the emotions forge greater bonds. Youth brands that conduct celebrity events acquire and own emotional dimensions that are even more engaging and powerful.
In any communication it is said only 7 per cent of the impact comes from content; the other 93 per cent by how — 40 per cent is how it is said and 53 per cent though the non-verbal body language. The same is perhaps true about brand building. How the story delivered can say a lot about the brand. In today’s world of media clutter — over 400 channels and over 15,000 print titles — emotions can be stirred by how the brand talks to the consumer. A couple of international examples are worth seeking inspiration from. BMW spent $70 mn of its $72 mn on creating seven serial films by renowned film makers for the net — and only $2 mn for being present on the internet. The media usage just added to the brand mystique and charm. Mini went the other way — it launched without a TV ad — doing only on ground activity innovatively — to gain attention and build attitude. The message, the story and the medium are all merging in today’s world and brand differentiation can come from using them in an integrated and innovative manner. There may not be enough Indian brand examples for this but this could be instructive — especially as the form communicates more than the content — at an emotional level.
Clearly, brand stories and how they are told do more than communicate and engage the viewer; they create emotions and feelings that become part of the brand’s repertoire in the consumers’ hearts. Differentiation can happen both in the mind and the heart — and in India, the dimension of the heart is also something to examine closely given we are emotional people.
We need to move from the USP to USE. This could certainly be the Indian way to brand differentiation.
Something worth thinking about.
We are today living in a very competitive market world. The Indian consumer is experiencing the tyranny of choice — she is flooded with options and they are increasing everyday. With the emergence of organised retail, this is bound to continue to grow — in every category store brands will become a viable option. Simultaneously, there is a constant threat of commoditisation of many categories. Even in new emerging categories, which are either technology-driven or more complex in structure like mobile telephony and financial services, product differentiation is negligible or if created, gets copied within months. Benefit segments that existed in the 90s have disappeared due to consumer- and product-evolution. In personal care, “health” and “beauty” were two segments, today they are one; in consumer durables, consumers sought either “durability” or “aesthetics” — today they want both and hence it’s one. This makes the scenario pretty tough for brands in India.
The future of brands is, undoubtedly, to quote Jack Trout, “Differentiate or Die”. If a brand is not perceived as different from others in the marketplace, it faces the ignominy of extinction — quoting Trout’s erstwhile partner, Reis. It certainly makes sense to revisit, re-invent and re-interpret Rosser Reeves’ “unique selling proposition” in today’s world while building brands.
There is definitely a solution in Trout’s principles of brand differentiation. Be first in the category, own an attribute or the category, leverage heritage or how the product is made, specialise or use “preference” to be a differentiator. Underlying each of these is a rational product story and they work. However, there could be a bigger opportunity in using emotions as a differentiator in India.
Consider the following. “Tata” as a brand has successfully sold steel, automobiles, tea, salt, finance and even software. “Godrej” as a brand has successfully sold a range of categories from locks to fridges to soaps, cooking oil and detergents. In many of these categories, the brand was a follower to the leader and was not greatly differentiated at the rational level from the offerings in the market place. Distribution muscle does help. Indians are family name-driven — distinct from the individual name fascination of the West; but deeper in this is that consumers have bought the emotions of trust, reliability and ‘shant’ras — peace of mind the brands embody through their heritage and years of existence in the Indian market. Clearly these brands have been able to go beyond the USP and leverage a USE — unique selling emotions.
Branding is about creating stories around products and thus making them engaging and endearing to the consumer. The moral of a brand story is the message. However, hidden within story telling are emotions — the navrasas — which imbue brands with emotions, values and attitudes that could be a weapon of differentiation. Let’s look at some other iconic Indian brand examples.
Asian Paints means paint, but also means a feeling of “apnapan” — a feeling of belonging and happiness that makes it differentiated in the market space. Bru is about taste — the taste of filter coffee — but is equally also about the “authenticity” and “warmth” of emotions shared between the members drinking the coffee. Fevicol owns the attribute of “strong bond” but what makes it different are also the emotions and feelings of “earthy Indianness and simplicity”. What differentiated Vodafone/Hutch from others is not just product and category but the feeling of simplicity, charm and style that the stories of the brand have imbued it with over the last ten years. Titan is just not a world-class, good-looking quartz watch but carries with it the emotions of gifting — love, affection, shringar — imbued in the brand by the countless stories the brand has told consumers over the last 15 years!
When the brand story goes beyond advertising to touch consumers in the greater world through its event-based activities — whether about social responsibility or otherwise — the emotions forge greater bonds. Youth brands that conduct celebrity events acquire and own emotional dimensions that are even more engaging and powerful.
In any communication it is said only 7 per cent of the impact comes from content; the other 93 per cent by how — 40 per cent is how it is said and 53 per cent though the non-verbal body language. The same is perhaps true about brand building. How the story delivered can say a lot about the brand. In today’s world of media clutter — over 400 channels and over 15,000 print titles — emotions can be stirred by how the brand talks to the consumer. A couple of international examples are worth seeking inspiration from. BMW spent $70 mn of its $72 mn on creating seven serial films by renowned film makers for the net — and only $2 mn for being present on the internet. The media usage just added to the brand mystique and charm. Mini went the other way — it launched without a TV ad — doing only on ground activity innovatively — to gain attention and build attitude. The message, the story and the medium are all merging in today’s world and brand differentiation can come from using them in an integrated and innovative manner. There may not be enough Indian brand examples for this but this could be instructive — especially as the form communicates more than the content — at an emotional level.
Clearly, brand stories and how they are told do more than communicate and engage the viewer; they create emotions and feelings that become part of the brand’s repertoire in the consumers’ hearts. Differentiation can happen both in the mind and the heart — and in India, the dimension of the heart is also something to examine closely given we are emotional people.
We need to move from the USP to USE. This could certainly be the Indian way to brand differentiation.
Something worth thinking about.
World - Why corruption persists
The Parliamentary Committee investigating the cash-for-votes drama has sought and got a month’s extension to complete its inquiry. Meanwhile the aam aadmi, to use a clichéd word popularised in this regime, didn’t need this TV show of notes to complete his own inquiry — he already knows that the public system is flush with money. Us voters are cynical and the persistence of corruption in public institutions is seen as something that is beyond change and must be endured.
The politically correct term for corruption is leakages. These can be in trickles, which undermine growth, or, as we have all seen recently, have the potential to result in a flood with catastrophic consequences. There are those who accept this as karma, but for those who are looking for some reasoning behind their continued suffering, Haldun Evrenk of the Department of Economics, Suffolk University, has an interesting paper on the persistence of political corruption in democracies, “A Game-Theoretic Explanation for the Persistence of Political Corruption”*. He shows through game theory modelling that “when the level of political corruption is high, and when competing politicians care about their future rents, both corrupt and honest politicians have the incentives to block a fully effective and costless reform”. While the case for the corrupt politician blocking reform is clear, i.e. he loses future rents, the case for the honest politician is not that apparent. Evrenk believes that a rival’s corruption provides a positive externality for an honest politician, competing against a corrupt rival gives him an advantage in elections. But remove the corrupt politician and the honest one loses his edge. So, the end result is a political system with an aversion to reform.
Can voters who are fully informed make a dent in this system? Well, voters can try to vote strategically by committing to vote for a particular candidate to ensure he supports reform, but this kind of pressure will be credible only when reform is the main issue for elections. Further, even if reform is the only agenda, the threat of not being elected in one period is not enough to convince candidates to support reform agenda, when expected value of future rents is high. In reality of course, the conditions to ensure reform are not easy to replicate — political corruption is hard to kill.
Corruption will always exist. Take the US — there were reports of cash- filled paper bags in the US Senate in the 1950s and now there is the Alaskan Senator Ted Stevens indicted on the charge of failure to disclose more than $250,000 in gifts from oil companies. He has meanwhile won the primary and is ploughing on regardless. Sounds familiar? It is only a question of degree and visibility — whether Kenya, Italy, or Bihar, the story is similar everywhere — corrupt governments get re-elected. Giovannoni and Seidmann** have worked out some models to study the implications of Acton’s axiom “ Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely” in government formation. Their modelling is simplistic, in the sense, it deals with a stationary environment and looks only at the changing dynamics of corruption on ruling parties.
Why should economists do such modelling? Is this just another manifestation of the confused world of economics or is it that with physicists taking over the financial frontiers, we are looking to spread our tentacles into other disciplines? The truth lies somewhere in between. Actually, economics is going back to its roots, interest in ‘political economy’ and institutions has fortunately made a comeback. There is a two- way relationship between economic policy and outcomes and quality of political institutions that affects growth and development in the long run, so this “intrusion” into political science is quite natural.
While the papers deal with persistence of political corruption, for the common man, this is less of a headache than corruption by lower public officials. Also, the pessimistic results are because the models do not allow for change in the “underlying environment”. In reality, of course, as the link between political and bureaucratic corruption is clear, for systemic reform, change is possible but must come from the top. Releasing the Transparency International India Corruption study, the vice-president said that the onus was on the government and civil society to take corrective action. That is true and it is for this reason that the Parliamentary Committee report, whenever it sees light, should not come up with a damp squib.
The politically correct term for corruption is leakages. These can be in trickles, which undermine growth, or, as we have all seen recently, have the potential to result in a flood with catastrophic consequences. There are those who accept this as karma, but for those who are looking for some reasoning behind their continued suffering, Haldun Evrenk of the Department of Economics, Suffolk University, has an interesting paper on the persistence of political corruption in democracies, “A Game-Theoretic Explanation for the Persistence of Political Corruption”*. He shows through game theory modelling that “when the level of political corruption is high, and when competing politicians care about their future rents, both corrupt and honest politicians have the incentives to block a fully effective and costless reform”. While the case for the corrupt politician blocking reform is clear, i.e. he loses future rents, the case for the honest politician is not that apparent. Evrenk believes that a rival’s corruption provides a positive externality for an honest politician, competing against a corrupt rival gives him an advantage in elections. But remove the corrupt politician and the honest one loses his edge. So, the end result is a political system with an aversion to reform.
Can voters who are fully informed make a dent in this system? Well, voters can try to vote strategically by committing to vote for a particular candidate to ensure he supports reform, but this kind of pressure will be credible only when reform is the main issue for elections. Further, even if reform is the only agenda, the threat of not being elected in one period is not enough to convince candidates to support reform agenda, when expected value of future rents is high. In reality of course, the conditions to ensure reform are not easy to replicate — political corruption is hard to kill.
Corruption will always exist. Take the US — there were reports of cash- filled paper bags in the US Senate in the 1950s and now there is the Alaskan Senator Ted Stevens indicted on the charge of failure to disclose more than $250,000 in gifts from oil companies. He has meanwhile won the primary and is ploughing on regardless. Sounds familiar? It is only a question of degree and visibility — whether Kenya, Italy, or Bihar, the story is similar everywhere — corrupt governments get re-elected. Giovannoni and Seidmann** have worked out some models to study the implications of Acton’s axiom “ Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely” in government formation. Their modelling is simplistic, in the sense, it deals with a stationary environment and looks only at the changing dynamics of corruption on ruling parties.
Why should economists do such modelling? Is this just another manifestation of the confused world of economics or is it that with physicists taking over the financial frontiers, we are looking to spread our tentacles into other disciplines? The truth lies somewhere in between. Actually, economics is going back to its roots, interest in ‘political economy’ and institutions has fortunately made a comeback. There is a two- way relationship between economic policy and outcomes and quality of political institutions that affects growth and development in the long run, so this “intrusion” into political science is quite natural.
While the papers deal with persistence of political corruption, for the common man, this is less of a headache than corruption by lower public officials. Also, the pessimistic results are because the models do not allow for change in the “underlying environment”. In reality, of course, as the link between political and bureaucratic corruption is clear, for systemic reform, change is possible but must come from the top. Releasing the Transparency International India Corruption study, the vice-president said that the onus was on the government and civil society to take corrective action. That is true and it is for this reason that the Parliamentary Committee report, whenever it sees light, should not come up with a damp squib.
World - Welcome to Shanghai
Several years ago, irritated by the glowing infrastructure-and-skyscraper stories brought home by visitors to Shanghai, I had written an article entitled “Looking for Shanghai’s soul” [November 2004]. Well, I spent a few days there recently and I’m here to report that Shanghai’s soul is alive and well in the
· thousands of people you encounter on the streets every day, buzzing about their work, laughing and joking and enjoying themselves;
· the taxi driver, who, when hearing (translated by a friend) that we were Indu (Indian), burst into Awaara over and over again till we got off at our destination;
· long queues of (mostly) Chinese tourists waiting in the sun to enter the Shanghai museum, and the amazing sensitivity of the museum management who provided umbrellas to everyone to use till they got to the shaded entrance;
· “all you can eat AND all you can drink” Japanese restaurant we went to, packed to the rafters, of course;
· laughing and laughing and laughing bargaining everywhere — my prize success was knocking down one vendor from 980 rmb to 150;
· hundreds of cool, elegant restaurants and bars, not just along the Bund, not just in the supremely elegant hotels (hi Danny), but tucked away behind crowded and unassuming main roads — again, mostly packed to the gills;
· extraordinarily beautiful architecture — French, English colonial, Chinese, and, of course, contemporary;
· buzzing contemporary art scene — new galleries popping up, high-end museum-type galleries, the Museum of Contemporary Art — and one stylish grand dame who is a myth in her own lifetime;
· international business people, who are there to make a bundle — of course — but who love Shanghai more than their home towns of San Francisco, Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Taipei, and, dare I say it, Bombay;
· service people who don’t look for a tip;
· and, finally, [the best for last] men walking around without their shirts on (it was very hot and muggy when we were there).
What a city! On the last day, I blurted out, “It’s better than New York!”
And as I commiserated with myself over that gaffe, I realised that the truth is that New York, exciting as it is, has, over the years, acquired the patina of an older European city — it’s slick, it’s got a lot of places to go and things to do, it’s exciting, but it’s losing its edginess. There are fewer and fewer neighbourhoods where you would get mugged — not that that’s a good thing — less and less variation between different parts of town, and, with real estate prices driving everything, less and less stylistic and, dare I say it, cultural, variation between New Yorkers.
Of course, not speaking Mandarin, my feel for Shanghai was very superficial and it’s possible — indeed, likely — that the edginess and excitement I felt was simply because it was all new.
But there’s no doubt that it’s a great city. And, make no mistake, the Chinese miracle — granted I only went to Shanghai — is real.
Like a lot of other analysts and observers, I had felt that the Chinese economy is poised for a post-Olympic slowdown, which would impact commodity prices and world growth quite severely. And, while this is still possible — indeed, likely — I now believe that the Chinese will come out of it stronger than before and stronger even than BRICs or even more optimistic forecasters.
In the words of another amazing woman I met (this one from Malaysia), “Communism is good. The government speaks with one voice, and things get done. What it says changes from time to time, as circumstances and citizens’ needs change.”
But what about human rights, censorship and so on?
Well, I must say, people — at least in Shanghai — seem to be quite happy. And I remember reading a report about a global survey by Pew, which showed that of all the countries in the world, the Chinese were the happiest (by an astounding margin) with their government. Well, it certainly appears to be delivering the goods.
And, returning to my Malaysian dragon lady, “What do they know about freedom? In Asia, we are freer than anywhere else. As women, for instance, we don’t have to burn our bras — we know who we are, we run the family, we manage businesses, we control things. The first female political leader in the world was …where?”
And, you know, she’s right — at least about freedom. The art queen I met said the same thing in a different context. She said that India, China and Iran are the oldest civilisations in the world, but for the last 200 years (or so), we have prostituted (my word) our cultural energy aping the West, a culture that is, no doubt, rich in many ways, but also carries some horrifying demon seeds, which result, for instance, in every so often someone bursting into a schoolroom and killing dozens of children — for no reason. That’s the unacceptable side of Western — well, American — culture.
So, while I’m not sure if I agree wholeheartedly with the “communism is good” view, the energy I tasted in Shanghai felt strongly like the world is on the cusp of a new Enlightenment, this one driven from the East.
In the words of the sage of somewhere or another, “Aa jaon maidan mein!”
· thousands of people you encounter on the streets every day, buzzing about their work, laughing and joking and enjoying themselves;
· the taxi driver, who, when hearing (translated by a friend) that we were Indu (Indian), burst into Awaara over and over again till we got off at our destination;
· long queues of (mostly) Chinese tourists waiting in the sun to enter the Shanghai museum, and the amazing sensitivity of the museum management who provided umbrellas to everyone to use till they got to the shaded entrance;
· “all you can eat AND all you can drink” Japanese restaurant we went to, packed to the rafters, of course;
· laughing and laughing and laughing bargaining everywhere — my prize success was knocking down one vendor from 980 rmb to 150;
· hundreds of cool, elegant restaurants and bars, not just along the Bund, not just in the supremely elegant hotels (hi Danny), but tucked away behind crowded and unassuming main roads — again, mostly packed to the gills;
· extraordinarily beautiful architecture — French, English colonial, Chinese, and, of course, contemporary;
· buzzing contemporary art scene — new galleries popping up, high-end museum-type galleries, the Museum of Contemporary Art — and one stylish grand dame who is a myth in her own lifetime;
· international business people, who are there to make a bundle — of course — but who love Shanghai more than their home towns of San Francisco, Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Taipei, and, dare I say it, Bombay;
· service people who don’t look for a tip;
· and, finally, [the best for last] men walking around without their shirts on (it was very hot and muggy when we were there).
What a city! On the last day, I blurted out, “It’s better than New York!”
And as I commiserated with myself over that gaffe, I realised that the truth is that New York, exciting as it is, has, over the years, acquired the patina of an older European city — it’s slick, it’s got a lot of places to go and things to do, it’s exciting, but it’s losing its edginess. There are fewer and fewer neighbourhoods where you would get mugged — not that that’s a good thing — less and less variation between different parts of town, and, with real estate prices driving everything, less and less stylistic and, dare I say it, cultural, variation between New Yorkers.
Of course, not speaking Mandarin, my feel for Shanghai was very superficial and it’s possible — indeed, likely — that the edginess and excitement I felt was simply because it was all new.
But there’s no doubt that it’s a great city. And, make no mistake, the Chinese miracle — granted I only went to Shanghai — is real.
Like a lot of other analysts and observers, I had felt that the Chinese economy is poised for a post-Olympic slowdown, which would impact commodity prices and world growth quite severely. And, while this is still possible — indeed, likely — I now believe that the Chinese will come out of it stronger than before and stronger even than BRICs or even more optimistic forecasters.
In the words of another amazing woman I met (this one from Malaysia), “Communism is good. The government speaks with one voice, and things get done. What it says changes from time to time, as circumstances and citizens’ needs change.”
But what about human rights, censorship and so on?
Well, I must say, people — at least in Shanghai — seem to be quite happy. And I remember reading a report about a global survey by Pew, which showed that of all the countries in the world, the Chinese were the happiest (by an astounding margin) with their government. Well, it certainly appears to be delivering the goods.
And, returning to my Malaysian dragon lady, “What do they know about freedom? In Asia, we are freer than anywhere else. As women, for instance, we don’t have to burn our bras — we know who we are, we run the family, we manage businesses, we control things. The first female political leader in the world was …where?”
And, you know, she’s right — at least about freedom. The art queen I met said the same thing in a different context. She said that India, China and Iran are the oldest civilisations in the world, but for the last 200 years (or so), we have prostituted (my word) our cultural energy aping the West, a culture that is, no doubt, rich in many ways, but also carries some horrifying demon seeds, which result, for instance, in every so often someone bursting into a schoolroom and killing dozens of children — for no reason. That’s the unacceptable side of Western — well, American — culture.
So, while I’m not sure if I agree wholeheartedly with the “communism is good” view, the energy I tasted in Shanghai felt strongly like the world is on the cusp of a new Enlightenment, this one driven from the East.
In the words of the sage of somewhere or another, “Aa jaon maidan mein!”
India - Not floods,but criminal design failure
The jacketing or embanking of the river systems in north Bihar must go down as among the most ill-thought out schemes in Independent India.
I am talking about the so-called ‘floods’ in north Bihar. Many adjectives have been spun by political and media establishments over the past three weeks to describe the unprecedented inundation of 16 districts and displacement of close to five million people. It has been called a deluge, devastation and a ‘national calamity’. No one, however, has used the term ‘criminal design failure’ and sought to expose the culpability of political and technical establishments in the whole sordid affair.
No one has pointed out that it was a 50-year-old time-bomb waiting to explode. Even as the first of this modern-Indian project of embanking the Kosi began in 1955, it was clear that a recipe for disaster had been drawn up and that Bihar was due for a jala-samadhi sooner or later.
There is an attempt to treat the August 18 breach in the eastern embankment of Kosi at Kusaha, on the Indo-Nepal border, as some kind of a unique, one-off event. As if this was a ‘natural disaster’ due to unusually heavy rainfall in the Himalayan slopes from where the river originates. Worse, as if Nepal was to blame, as it allegedly reneged on its commitments to maintain and dredge the barrage and the embankments on its side of the border due its preoccupation with the political change of guard there.
No one has so much as whispered that the maintenance of the barrage and the embankments is the responsibility of the engineers of the Bihar Water Resources Department. Demonising Nepal is one of those convenient blame games the media likes to indulge in and it is not new, in the context of a drowning Bihar. In earlier years too such accusations have been made along with contradictory proposals to seek multi-national corporate investments to build and operate mega dams on the Nepal part of the river, particularly the Kosi High Dam at Barahkshetra.
From the time I travelled in these parts 20 years ago, studying the repeating annual cycle of water-logging, food or water famines, homelessness and epidemics in the 16 districts of north Bihar, it has been clear to me that there is a deep criminality in the planning, designing and execution of the river embankment projects of this region.
The basic story is about how the north to south flowing rivers in Bihar like the Mahananda, Kosi, Kamala, Dhousa, Adhwara, Bagmati, Burhi Gandak, Gandak and Ghaghra were subjected to systematic embanking since 1954. The initial intention was to contain the natural swing of these rivers as they gushed down from the foothills of Nepal to the plains of Bihar.
The plan was to introduce about 150 kilometres of embankment on the Kosi to protect a declared ‘flood prone’ area in the state of some 25 lakh hectares. Today, some 50 years later, north Bihar is a warren of over 3,500 kilometres of embankments, with the declared ‘flood prone’ area having crossed a staggering 75 lakh hectares. And this staggering debacle has been at the cost of over Rs 3, 000 crore.
The embankment debate had, in fact, begun in the late 19th century and there exist at least 70 years of records till the 1950s in which most expert opinion warns against pursuing the embankment route to tackle perennial overflowing or swing in a river’s temperament, as it would impede natural drainage. Kosi’s character was to rush down the hills with an immense load of top soil and spread it across the plains, enabling a bumper crop the next year.
The initial embankments, eight feet high, converted the Kosi bed into a catchment area for silt. As the first phase ended in1965, the river had risen four feet. The bund had to be raised further. This became a regular cycle. Today, Kosi flows a good 25 to 30 feet above ground level. Every time there is a threat of flooding, parts of the embankment are strategically dynamited to let the water out. This is what gets labelled the ‘flood’.
But this is a flood that cannot recede. The river basin is way above ground level and water cannot flow upwards. The inundated villages between as well as outside the embankments stay water-logged for months on end, leading to rise in soil salinity, water-borne diseases and producing hordes of migrant labour. Even before the current crisis in Bihar — for the past twenty-five years — at least 3.5 million people have been living in shacks atop the embankments, making rotis out of the seeds of a grass that grows on its slopes.
The embankment project is one of the greatest ‘design failures’ of our times. This is not the last we are going to hear of the floods. Bihar is destined to stay submerged for a long time.
I am talking about the so-called ‘floods’ in north Bihar. Many adjectives have been spun by political and media establishments over the past three weeks to describe the unprecedented inundation of 16 districts and displacement of close to five million people. It has been called a deluge, devastation and a ‘national calamity’. No one, however, has used the term ‘criminal design failure’ and sought to expose the culpability of political and technical establishments in the whole sordid affair.
No one has pointed out that it was a 50-year-old time-bomb waiting to explode. Even as the first of this modern-Indian project of embanking the Kosi began in 1955, it was clear that a recipe for disaster had been drawn up and that Bihar was due for a jala-samadhi sooner or later.
There is an attempt to treat the August 18 breach in the eastern embankment of Kosi at Kusaha, on the Indo-Nepal border, as some kind of a unique, one-off event. As if this was a ‘natural disaster’ due to unusually heavy rainfall in the Himalayan slopes from where the river originates. Worse, as if Nepal was to blame, as it allegedly reneged on its commitments to maintain and dredge the barrage and the embankments on its side of the border due its preoccupation with the political change of guard there.
No one has so much as whispered that the maintenance of the barrage and the embankments is the responsibility of the engineers of the Bihar Water Resources Department. Demonising Nepal is one of those convenient blame games the media likes to indulge in and it is not new, in the context of a drowning Bihar. In earlier years too such accusations have been made along with contradictory proposals to seek multi-national corporate investments to build and operate mega dams on the Nepal part of the river, particularly the Kosi High Dam at Barahkshetra.
From the time I travelled in these parts 20 years ago, studying the repeating annual cycle of water-logging, food or water famines, homelessness and epidemics in the 16 districts of north Bihar, it has been clear to me that there is a deep criminality in the planning, designing and execution of the river embankment projects of this region.
The basic story is about how the north to south flowing rivers in Bihar like the Mahananda, Kosi, Kamala, Dhousa, Adhwara, Bagmati, Burhi Gandak, Gandak and Ghaghra were subjected to systematic embanking since 1954. The initial intention was to contain the natural swing of these rivers as they gushed down from the foothills of Nepal to the plains of Bihar.
The plan was to introduce about 150 kilometres of embankment on the Kosi to protect a declared ‘flood prone’ area in the state of some 25 lakh hectares. Today, some 50 years later, north Bihar is a warren of over 3,500 kilometres of embankments, with the declared ‘flood prone’ area having crossed a staggering 75 lakh hectares. And this staggering debacle has been at the cost of over Rs 3, 000 crore.
The embankment debate had, in fact, begun in the late 19th century and there exist at least 70 years of records till the 1950s in which most expert opinion warns against pursuing the embankment route to tackle perennial overflowing or swing in a river’s temperament, as it would impede natural drainage. Kosi’s character was to rush down the hills with an immense load of top soil and spread it across the plains, enabling a bumper crop the next year.
The initial embankments, eight feet high, converted the Kosi bed into a catchment area for silt. As the first phase ended in1965, the river had risen four feet. The bund had to be raised further. This became a regular cycle. Today, Kosi flows a good 25 to 30 feet above ground level. Every time there is a threat of flooding, parts of the embankment are strategically dynamited to let the water out. This is what gets labelled the ‘flood’.
But this is a flood that cannot recede. The river basin is way above ground level and water cannot flow upwards. The inundated villages between as well as outside the embankments stay water-logged for months on end, leading to rise in soil salinity, water-borne diseases and producing hordes of migrant labour. Even before the current crisis in Bihar — for the past twenty-five years — at least 3.5 million people have been living in shacks atop the embankments, making rotis out of the seeds of a grass that grows on its slopes.
The embankment project is one of the greatest ‘design failures’ of our times. This is not the last we are going to hear of the floods. Bihar is destined to stay submerged for a long time.
Business - BA eyes India tie-up
UK flag carrier British Airways (BA) plans to tie up with an Indian domestic carrier in a franchise partnership.
If the move comes through, it would pave the way for international carriers to extend their networks within India, without having to make an investment. Current foreign direct investment (FDI) policy does not allow foreign carriers to hold equity, directly or indirectly, in domestic airlines.
The franchise model that BA — Europe’s third-largest carrier — follows globally involves no FDI but allows the franchisee (domestic airline) to use its livery, brand and code, apart from providing management expertise.
BA is believed to be in discussions with several domestic airlines, Wadia-owned Go Air among them.
Confirming that BA has been looking at such franchise agreements in India, Civil Aviation Secretary Ashok Chawla said: “So long as it is not surrogate cabotage we do not have any problem with franchising.”
Airline cabotage refers to the carriage of air traffic that originates and terminates within the boundaries of a given country by an air carrier of another country. Rights to such traffic are usually entirely denied or severely restricted.
The government currently does not have guidelines on franchise arrangements, so, Chawla said a senior ministry official would meet BA executives on September 15 to understand the business plan.
A British Airways spokesperson said: “We will comment when there is something to talk about. As of now we will not comment on rumours and speculation.”
A GoAir spokesperson said: “In view of the possibility of the government relaxing its rules on flying abroad and in order to give our customers better value, we are exploring code share and alliances with various airlines from West Asia, Europe and America.”
BA has had franchise agreements with the South African carrier Comair, Glasgow-based Logan Air, Scandinavia’s Sun Air and Kenya-based Regional Air.
BA is keen to consolidate its market position in India, which is the airline’s largest contributor after the US in terms of passenger volumes. It has been looking for a partner, especially after its inter-line agreement with Jet Airways was severed.
A franchise arrangement would also help it gear up for the rising competition in India, more so when Jet Airways and Kingfisher’s international operations compete with BA for the same market share. The airline has over 48 flights a week from various Indian cities.
BA’s arch rival Virgin Airlines has also expressed interest in a full-service domestic carrier in India when promoter Richard Branson visited India. It has also openly talked of buying equity in an Indian domestic carrier if it is allowed.
Although the government favours foreign airlines investing in India, it has faced resistance from domestic carriers. “India is the only country that distinguishes between foreign airline investment and foreign institutional investments. Worldwide, there is no such distinction,” said Kapil Kaul, CEO (India and Middle East), Centre for Asia Pacific Aviation
If the move comes through, it would pave the way for international carriers to extend their networks within India, without having to make an investment. Current foreign direct investment (FDI) policy does not allow foreign carriers to hold equity, directly or indirectly, in domestic airlines.
The franchise model that BA — Europe’s third-largest carrier — follows globally involves no FDI but allows the franchisee (domestic airline) to use its livery, brand and code, apart from providing management expertise.
BA is believed to be in discussions with several domestic airlines, Wadia-owned Go Air among them.
Confirming that BA has been looking at such franchise agreements in India, Civil Aviation Secretary Ashok Chawla said: “So long as it is not surrogate cabotage we do not have any problem with franchising.”
Airline cabotage refers to the carriage of air traffic that originates and terminates within the boundaries of a given country by an air carrier of another country. Rights to such traffic are usually entirely denied or severely restricted.
The government currently does not have guidelines on franchise arrangements, so, Chawla said a senior ministry official would meet BA executives on September 15 to understand the business plan.
A British Airways spokesperson said: “We will comment when there is something to talk about. As of now we will not comment on rumours and speculation.”
A GoAir spokesperson said: “In view of the possibility of the government relaxing its rules on flying abroad and in order to give our customers better value, we are exploring code share and alliances with various airlines from West Asia, Europe and America.”
BA has had franchise agreements with the South African carrier Comair, Glasgow-based Logan Air, Scandinavia’s Sun Air and Kenya-based Regional Air.
BA is keen to consolidate its market position in India, which is the airline’s largest contributor after the US in terms of passenger volumes. It has been looking for a partner, especially after its inter-line agreement with Jet Airways was severed.
A franchise arrangement would also help it gear up for the rising competition in India, more so when Jet Airways and Kingfisher’s international operations compete with BA for the same market share. The airline has over 48 flights a week from various Indian cities.
BA’s arch rival Virgin Airlines has also expressed interest in a full-service domestic carrier in India when promoter Richard Branson visited India. It has also openly talked of buying equity in an Indian domestic carrier if it is allowed.
Although the government favours foreign airlines investing in India, it has faced resistance from domestic carriers. “India is the only country that distinguishes between foreign airline investment and foreign institutional investments. Worldwide, there is no such distinction,” said Kapil Kaul, CEO (India and Middle East), Centre for Asia Pacific Aviation
Fun - Powercut at mass wedding causes mix-up of brides
THENI: Married the wrong girl? At least two grooms in Tamil Nadu can blame it on a power cut. A black out at a crowded mass marriage venue here at an auspicious moment when about 40 grooms had to simultaneously tie the 'mangal sutra' around their bride's neck led to a mix up with two of them missing the target. Veerachamy, instead of tying the mangal sutra to Subbulakshmi, the bride, tied it around the neck of her friend, who was standing near her. Similarly, Balamurugan tied the sacred thread around another girl's neck, instead of Sivakami. The mix-up which took place at the Sri Subramaniaswamy temple complex at Periyakulam, however, was soon detected. All ended well as elders, in a quick damage control exercise, removed the mangal sutras and made the grooms tie the tread to the right brides after a 'parikara pooja' (pooja for making amends). Temple officials said as all the couples had gathered along with their relatives and their friends, leading to overcrowding on Wednesday night.
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World - Britain as a benevolent totalitarian state
It’s kinda boring. How many times can I go on about the recession and credit crunch? But that is all that anyone here seems to be concerned with. This week’s big deal is whether the government’s announcement of a £1 bn relief package to prop up the stumbling UK housing market, will work or not. The general consensus is it won’t, and we’re officially headed for a recession. The pound is tumbling, and everyone is very ticked off with poor Mr Brown and Mr Darling, the chancellor. Well, whatever. I’m going to use this opportunity to revisit one of my favourite puzzles about the Brits. The nanny state syndrome. Britain, is what we call here, a nanny state; that is the government and the powers that be (TPTB) have intricately twined tendrils that control and affect almost every aspect of an ordinary citizen’s life. If I had to translate that to a term anyone in the rest of the world would understand, I’d opt for something like benevolent totalitarian social control. With due apologies to political theorists for murdering their concepts, to those of us who come from clearly capitalist — like the US — or ostensibly socialist but essentially functioning anarchies like India, it can be as inscrutable as, say the Chinese. We’re totally not talking about the flow of money or assets in the system; this one’s about social and political control. The underlying social contract, seems to be that the state takes care of all the needs of every citizen — physical, economic, emotional and societal — from cradle to grave, and therefore can tell you what to feed your kids for breakfast. The implicit assumption, then, is that an ordinary citizen doesn’t know as well as TPTB how to run their lives, or bring up their children, or make any informed choices, and needs to be guided and shepherded by the state, for their own and everyone’s good. That sounds vaguely familiar, but then I always failed political theory classes, so I’m probably getting my Marx and Spencers muddled. Of course, the big difference is, that in Britain, unlike some parts of the EU and Scandinavia, everyone incessantly argues about what is good for themselves, their neighbours, and the rest of the world. The only axiom is that whatever it is, the government has to do it. For those of us who come from cultures where we automatically assume the characters we elect to parliament are a necessary evil, but in no way competent to run our personal lives, it can be a bit funny. Technically, the government here doesn’t tell you which doctor you can go to if you’re willing to pay for it privately. But it makes it virtually impossible, with a series of regulations, for most people to bypass the set NHS procedures. It tells you when and what to feed your children, where to school them, how you can bring them up or discipline them, what music or entertainment you can listen to and by whom, what you should eat for breakfast, your browsing habits, what your kids should be watching on TV, and so on and so forth.
It’s highly possible, yes, to incorporate a company here with two pieces of paper in 24 hours. But the minute you hire your first employee, be prepared to get into unending spiral of regulations. There are, really, no entry barriers for most industries — but many of them are regulated, at an operational level, right up to rules for office Christmas parties. Most Britons hate it. In fact, quite large swathes of the UK population actively dislike the fact that EU membership has brought with it tonnes of even more social regulations. For instance, UK has been diligently avoiding the working hour restrictions of the EU, which limits the number of hours anyone is allowed to work to something weird like 4 days. Again, every time any local council decides it can monitor your phone records, there are howls of protest. But the counter argument, of course, is that if every time anyone falls down and scrapes their knees, even in cased of corporate greed like Northern Rock, the government is expected to pick ‘em up and put things right, they’re going to want some degree of behavioural control. Take the last set of property sops. Mr Brown & Co have announced a series of measures, like raising the exemption level for stamp duty, giving free loans to first time buyers, and so on. All the experts think it’s rubbish, and won’t do anything to revive the moribund property market, or the economy. Everyone is also agreed that property prices are unrealistically high and need to fall, but at the same time all the li’l angels who made stupid financial decisions must be taken care of. I’m now expecting, naturally, another set of regulations from the government that will ensure future controls over property market activities in some way, so they don’t have to deal with this mess again. That’s what anyone would do.
It’s highly possible, yes, to incorporate a company here with two pieces of paper in 24 hours. But the minute you hire your first employee, be prepared to get into unending spiral of regulations. There are, really, no entry barriers for most industries — but many of them are regulated, at an operational level, right up to rules for office Christmas parties. Most Britons hate it. In fact, quite large swathes of the UK population actively dislike the fact that EU membership has brought with it tonnes of even more social regulations. For instance, UK has been diligently avoiding the working hour restrictions of the EU, which limits the number of hours anyone is allowed to work to something weird like 4 days. Again, every time any local council decides it can monitor your phone records, there are howls of protest. But the counter argument, of course, is that if every time anyone falls down and scrapes their knees, even in cased of corporate greed like Northern Rock, the government is expected to pick ‘em up and put things right, they’re going to want some degree of behavioural control. Take the last set of property sops. Mr Brown & Co have announced a series of measures, like raising the exemption level for stamp duty, giving free loans to first time buyers, and so on. All the experts think it’s rubbish, and won’t do anything to revive the moribund property market, or the economy. Everyone is also agreed that property prices are unrealistically high and need to fall, but at the same time all the li’l angels who made stupid financial decisions must be taken care of. I’m now expecting, naturally, another set of regulations from the government that will ensure future controls over property market activities in some way, so they don’t have to deal with this mess again. That’s what anyone would do.
Mktg - Microsoft kicks off $300mn Windows marketing push
SEATTLE: Microsoft Corp kicked off a $300 million marketing campaign on Thursday, aimed at improving the image of its Windows Vista operating system and strike back at Apple Inc's "Mac vs PC" ads. The first commercial of Microsoft's new marketing push, being created by advertising agency Crispin Porter + Bogusky, aired on Thursday featuring comedian Jerry Seinfeld and company co-founder Bill Gates at a shoe store. Despite selling more than 180 million licenses since its launch in 2007, Windows Vista continues to suffer from the perception that the operating system is clunky and hard to use compared with Apple computers. That image has been stoked by Apple's "Mac vs PC" ads featuring a geeky and unfashionable PC guy unable to keep up with a better-looking, hip Mac counterpart. "What the brand stands for, particularly in the case of Windows Vista, has been defined by the competitors. The time is now for us to get in and start telling our story," said Brad Brooks, a corporate vice president at Microsoft. Apple has steadily gained market share against PCs in recent quarters. In the June quarter, Gartner said Apple accounted for 8.5 per cent of US computer shipments, a rise of 38 per cent from a year earlier. That outpaced the overall US computer market growth of 4.2 per cent. Microsoft said the commercial is part of a broader, long-term initiative to change consumers' perception of Windows, which will include setting up a retail corner at several hundred Best Buy and Circuit City stores staffed by "Windows Gurus" to explain the benefits of Windows. The company also said it has been working with PC makers to optimize systems to speed up computer boot times and improve the overall experience of using a Windows machine. All the major PC brands are expected to introduce new or revamped models, which Microsoft calls a new category of PCs, with improved designs in the next few months
Business - Toyota launches Altis;India
NEW DELHI: Aiming to achieve a 10 per cent market share in the Indian passenger car market, Japanese auto major Toyota on Friday launched an advanced version of its sedan, Corolla Altis, priced between Rs 10.83 lakh and Rs 12.86 lakh (ex-showroom, Delhi). The new car would come with a 1.8 petrol litre engine in three different grades. "This year's target is to sell 63,000 vehicles, and by fiscal 2015 we are aiming for a market share of about 10 per cent. The Altis marks our big step toward the achievement of this goal," Toyota Kirloskar Motor (TKM) Vice-Chairman Vikram Kirloskar said. The company, which sold about 50,000 units last year, currently enjoys around three per cent of the Indian passenger car market. It is also planning to introduce several new models in the near future to meet its target, he added. TKM plans to sell an average of 2,000 Corolla Altis a month. The company earlier had announced an investment of Rs 1,400 crore in setting up its second manufacturing facility in Bangalore to launch a strategic small car for the Indian market within the next two years. "Regarding the small car that everyone has been waiting for, we aim to start production and sales around 2010 or early 2011," Kirloskar said
Lifestyle - Top 10 Cheesiest Chat Up Lines
The UK's 10 Cheesiest Chat Up Lines (and the celebrities voted most likely to use them) are:
1. "Your dad must be a thief because he stole the stars and put them in your eyes"- Calum Best 2. "If I were to rearrange the alphabet I would put U and I together"- Carol Vorderman
3. "I must be in heaven because I can see an angel" - Mario Marconi
4."Did it hurt when you fell from heaven?" - Cristiano Ronaldo
5. "Here's 10p - go phone your mum and tell her you won't be coming home tonight" - Jodie Marsh
6. "You're under arrest. The charge - trespassing in my dreams" - Rhys Ifans
7. "Is that a ladder in your tights or a stairway to heaven?" - Jonathan Ross
8. "You must be tired because you've been running through my mind all day" - Lee Sharpe
9. "If I said you had a beautiful body would you hold it against me?" - Peter Andre
10. "Do you have a map? Because I keep getting lost in your eyes" - Darius Danesh
1. "Your dad must be a thief because he stole the stars and put them in your eyes"- Calum Best 2. "If I were to rearrange the alphabet I would put U and I together"- Carol Vorderman
3. "I must be in heaven because I can see an angel" - Mario Marconi
4."Did it hurt when you fell from heaven?" - Cristiano Ronaldo
5. "Here's 10p - go phone your mum and tell her you won't be coming home tonight" - Jodie Marsh
6. "You're under arrest. The charge - trespassing in my dreams" - Rhys Ifans
7. "Is that a ladder in your tights or a stairway to heaven?" - Jonathan Ross
8. "You must be tired because you've been running through my mind all day" - Lee Sharpe
9. "If I said you had a beautiful body would you hold it against me?" - Peter Andre
10. "Do you have a map? Because I keep getting lost in your eyes" - Darius Danesh
Business - Stanchart unveils single card for debit,credit transactions
MUMBAI: Customers who until now had to keep two separate cards — credit and debit card in their wallets — can now manage with a single card. Standard Chartered has launched a new card which will provide the customer the choice of the same plastic as a credit card or a debit card. Other banks are also looking at similar products. There are close to 27 million credit cards and 110 million debit cards now. Most banks have been pushing debit cards to their customers by converting their ATM cards to debit cards. In the case of StanChart, the technology of using the card as a debit or credit cards doesn’t rest on the card. It works on the back-end technology of the bank. A customer while applying for the new card — ‘1Money’ — will have to choose an option between a debit and credit card which would be the default option. After every transaction, the customer will get an SMS which would ask the customer whether he wants to use the debit or the credit card option. The customer can do the switch in a 24-hour time frame. If the customer doesn’t choose the option, the transaction will be done on the default option of the card. Internationally, the bank has launched a card, whereby a chip is embedded in the card and when the customer swipes, will give the option of a debit or a credit card. However, such a product cannot be launched in the country as the electronic data capture (EDC), terminals have not been enabled, according to Sai Narain CDK, head consumer transaction banking andstrategic initiatives, StanChart. In the initial phase, the bank is offering the product only by invitation to its premium customers. Currently, StanChart has 1.3-million credit card customers and close to a million debit card customers. In the recent past, the bank has been concentrating on higher-end of the credit card segment. According to StanChart GM (credit cards and personal loans) RL Prasad, the delinquency in credit cards has been maintained at close to 8% for the past couple of years as against an industry average of 12-14%.
World - Europe destination next for Indian workers,professionals
NEW DELHI: With the government pushing for a bilateral labour mobility agreement, Indian professionals and workers may soon be headed for destinations in Eastern European countries, as 13 million job opportunities are expected to arise there. With numbers of aging population on the rise in Europe and a steady outflow of skilled workers from these countries to a more prosperous western Europe, India hopes to fill the gap with its young work force. So far the traditional choices for Indian professionals was North America and for workers it was Gulf countries. Studies by the European Union estimate on the basis of increase in production capacities and growth parameters that 13 million additional jobs will be created in Eastern Europe between years 2006-15. The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs (MOIA) have already signed a MoU with the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) for implementation of an European Union sponsored project 'Regional Dialogue and Programme on Facilitating Managed and Legal Migration between Asia and the European Union (EU)'. "Labour supply gaps in the EU states have been identified in certain key sectors like construction, health, hospitality, Pharma and IT. Also an India-EU Free Trade agreement which is on the cards shortly will provide a natural corollary for supporting movement of Indian workers and professionals," said a top MOIA official.
Fun - Thinking much could lead to obesity
TORONTO: A new Canadian study shows that thinking too much can lead to overeating and thus obesity. In their study at Universite Laval in Quebec City, Canadian researchers found that the stress of intellectual work makes people eat more, thus raising their calorie intake and causing obesity. As part of their study, the researchers asked 14 students to eat at a buffet after performing three easy but different tasks: Just sitting and relaxing; reading and summarizing a text, and doing memory tests on a computer. The researchers said these three tasks consumed very little energy, with students doing mental work needing just three calories more than those relaxing. But they found that the students ate 203 extra calories after reading and summarizing the text, and 253 more calories after doing the computer-based memory tests. Their blood samples - taken before, during and after the three task sessions - also showed that their glucose and insulin levels shot up during mental work (computer memory tests). Explaining this, study leader Jean-Philippe Chaput said that glucose serves as fuel for brain during any mental or intellectual work. To meet this need and keep its glucose balance in check, the body might be consuming more food, thus more calories. ``Caloric overcompensation following intellectual work, combined with the fact that we are less physically active when doing intellectual tasks, could contribute to the obesity epidemic currently observed in industrialized countries,'' he said. Chaput warned that obesity could become rampant in the future as more and more people get involved in intellectual work around the world.
Lifestyle - Women gait reflects orgasmic ability
LONDON: How orgasmic women really are can be told by the way they walk, at least by trained sexologists. A woman’s anatomical features may predispose her to greater or lesser tendency to experience vaginal orgasm, these researchers affirmed. The study, led by Stuart Brody of University of the West of Scotland and colleagues, involved 16 female Belgian university students, who completed a questionnaire on sexual behaviour and then were videotaped from a distance while walking in a public place. Two professors of sexology and two research assistants, who rated the videotapes but were not aware of the women's orgasmic history, inferred their vaginal orgasm through watching the way they walked over 80 per cent of the time. Further analysis revealed that the sum of stride length and vertebral rotation was greater for the vaginally orgasmic women. "This could reflect the free, unblocked energetic flow from the legs through the pelvis to the spine," the authors noted. There are several plausible explanations for these findings. According to Brody, "blocked pelvic muscles, which might be associated with psycho-sexual impairments, could both impair vaginal orgasmic response and gait." Besides, vaginally orgasmic women may feel more confident about their sexuality, which might be reflected in their gait. "Such confidence might also be related to the relationship(s) that a woman has had, given the finding that specifically penile-vaginal orgasm is associated with indices of better relationship quality," the authors stated. Research has also linked vaginal orgasm to better mental health. The study provides some support for assumptions of a link between muscle blocks and sexual function, according to the authors. They concluded that it may lend credibility to the idea of incorporating training in movement, breathing and muscle patterns into the treatment of sexual dysfunction. "Women with orgasmic dysfunction should be treated in a multi-disciplinary manner" said Irwin Goldstein, editor-in-chief of The Journal of Sexual Medicine." "Although small, this study highlights the potential for multiple therapies such as expressive arts therapy incorporating movement and physical therapy focusing on the pelvic floor." The study was published in the September issue of The Journal of Sexual Medicine, the official journal of the International Society for Sexual Medicine.
Lifestyle - Poledancers model lingerie at NY Fashion week
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Lingerie creator Heather Thomson got a jump-start on the New York Fashion Week, turning to some of the city's best pole dancers to display her new line of Yummie Tummie underwear on Thursday.
Clothes designers will present their spring collections at the annual fashion show that opens on Friday along catwalks under tents in New York's Bryant Park.
Thomson chose a novel way to promote her lingerie. She held a competition of dancers who perform gymnastics-like routines on brass poles at some of Manhattan's poshest strip clubs and picked eight to model her Yummie Tummie Shapewear.
The lower level of the West End Cafe near Times Square was transformed into a gentlemen's club where the dancers -- four at a time -- climbed the poles and turned upside down, this way and that, wearing long-line tank tops and camisoles.
The models represented a cross-section of skin colors and body sizes -- from "AA" bra cups to "C" and up.
"Every woman of every size deserves sexy lingerie that can be worn underneath her clothes or that's meant to be seen," Thomson told Reuters during her fashion show.
Her Shapewear line, which has received rave reviews from Oprah Winfrey, among other style mavens, is designed to smooth women's midsections with the help of a little microfiber plus trendy colors and trims.
The line is sold by specialty apparel shops and higher-end fashion retailers, including Henri Bendel, owned by Limited Brands, and Bloomingdale's, owned by Macy's Inc, the department store operator.
Thomson, a celebrity stylist, previously worked with Sean Combs, also known as P. Diddy, to mold his Sean John line of clothing before branching out on her own. She has also worked with Jennifer Lopez on her Sweetface brand.
Clothes designers will present their spring collections at the annual fashion show that opens on Friday along catwalks under tents in New York's Bryant Park.
Thomson chose a novel way to promote her lingerie. She held a competition of dancers who perform gymnastics-like routines on brass poles at some of Manhattan's poshest strip clubs and picked eight to model her Yummie Tummie Shapewear.
The lower level of the West End Cafe near Times Square was transformed into a gentlemen's club where the dancers -- four at a time -- climbed the poles and turned upside down, this way and that, wearing long-line tank tops and camisoles.
The models represented a cross-section of skin colors and body sizes -- from "AA" bra cups to "C" and up.
"Every woman of every size deserves sexy lingerie that can be worn underneath her clothes or that's meant to be seen," Thomson told Reuters during her fashion show.
Her Shapewear line, which has received rave reviews from Oprah Winfrey, among other style mavens, is designed to smooth women's midsections with the help of a little microfiber plus trendy colors and trims.
The line is sold by specialty apparel shops and higher-end fashion retailers, including Henri Bendel, owned by Limited Brands, and Bloomingdale's, owned by Macy's Inc, the department store operator.
Thomson, a celebrity stylist, previously worked with Sean Combs, also known as P. Diddy, to mold his Sean John line of clothing before branching out on her own. She has also worked with Jennifer Lopez on her Sweetface brand.
Health - Rosacea
The likes of former US president Bill Clinton and pop superstar Mariah Carey suffer from rosacea. Estimated to affect over 45 million people worldwide, rosacea is most common in very fair-skinned people, say experts. The condition is characterised by redness of the face, pimples, lumps on the nose and red gritty eyes. While the real cause of this has not been pinpointed by the medical community, hot and humid weather — as it is now in Delhi — does trigger acute redness. Although the condition affects both sexes, it is three times more common in females. Dr Anup Dhir, senior cosmetic surgeon, Apollo hospital, says, “It usually affects the central and lower part of the face. Nodules and pustules can form later. My patients are fair-skinned north Indians and I advise them to look for triggers and avoid them — exposure to extremely hot and cold temperature, windy weather, spicy food, perfumed beauty products.” Regular use of sunscreen with high SPF is recommended, adds Dr Dhir. Beauty expert Shahnaz Husain says that the condition can be controlled with the right measures. She suggests using a mild cleanser, glycerine soap and the use of cosmetics only on the advice of a dermatologist. “Avoid scrubs and products with alcohol. Cold milk on the face can give some relief.” Dr Seema Malik, MD, Eleganza skin rejuvenation clinic, says that one should avoid dehydration, steroids and drugs that dilate the blood vessels. “Drink lots of water. Avoid perfumed and highly moisturised products. Don’t massage your face,” she says. Though you can control rosacea for the time being, the treatment is long-term. Says Dr Dhir, “Tetracycline antibiotics and topical metronidazole gel is the first line of treatment for papules and pustules.” Beauty products to counter rosacea should be rich in vitamin C, honey and zinc oxide, which calm the skin.
Vandana Sundra, marketing head, Eminence, says that rose and maze exfoliation mask, sweet red rose toner and serums with antiseptic quality control the condition. To conceal red patches on the skin, use a concealer with a green tint, says Samantha Kochhar, creative director, Blossom Kochhar College of Creative Arts and Design, and skin and make-up expert. “The patches become more inflammatory for those who sweat. They can calm the skin down with acne pack, aloe vera gel, calamine lotion, chamomile and lavender oil,” suggests Kochhar.
Vandana Sundra, marketing head, Eminence, says that rose and maze exfoliation mask, sweet red rose toner and serums with antiseptic quality control the condition. To conceal red patches on the skin, use a concealer with a green tint, says Samantha Kochhar, creative director, Blossom Kochhar College of Creative Arts and Design, and skin and make-up expert. “The patches become more inflammatory for those who sweat. They can calm the skin down with acne pack, aloe vera gel, calamine lotion, chamomile and lavender oil,” suggests Kochhar.
Columnists - Rajdeep Sardesai
Shabana Azmi is a remarkable woman: five times National Award winner, she has performed multiple roles in life and cinema. That someone from the increasingly vacuous world of Bollywood has emerged as a public activist-intellectual is itself rather creditable. She may well have been a prisoner of political correctness at times, but few will deny that she has chosen to venture where few others of her ilk would dare: then whether it be standing up for slum-dwellers’ rights, women’s rights or against communal politics, hers has been a powerful voice. Which is why when in a recent television interview on CNN-IBN, the actor said that the polity was unfair to Muslims and spoke of her personal experience in being denied a house in Mumbai because she was a Muslim, the response was instantaneous. Her critics described her as ‘irresponsible’, questioning her claims as inflammatory and designed to spread communal disharmony.
There is another Azmi, meanwhile, who has also been grabbing the headlines. Abu Asim Azmi has a rather different career graph to the actor. Accused in the 1993 Mumbai blasts, and charged with links to Dawood Ibrahim, he was later let off for want of evidence. Re-inventing himself as president of the Samajwadi Party in Maharashtra, he became a Rajya Sabha MP in 2002. As a self-styled spokesperson for the north Indian community in Mumbai, he was arrested along with Raj Thackeray a few months ago for promoting enmity between communities. A fortnight ago, Abu Azmi was back in the news when he vowed to fight for Abu Bashar, prime accused in the Ahmedabad blasts case, claiming that the SIMI activist was innocent.
Both the Azmis seem to be projecting the Muslim as ‘victim’, and yet their personal and political persuasions could not be more different. When Shabana Azmi spoke out, she appeared to be reflecting on a genuine liberal Indian Muslim predicament: how do you ensure the ‘mainstreaming’ of a community when there is active discrimination on a basic issue like housing? Abu Azmi, on the other hand, was engaging in a time-worn populist appeal: “Islam khatre mein hai,” was the message (Islam is in danger). Far from seeking ways to restore confidence within the minorities, his rhetoric was only designed to promote divisiveness by creating a distinct Muslim constituency based on fear and enmity towards the majority community.
Unfortunately, the distinctiveness in approach between the two Azmis hasn’t been sufficiently appreciated. When a Shabana Azmi is vilified for speaking out, it almost seems as if she stands guilty of having crossed a certain Lakshman rekha by publicly questioning the implementation of the constitutional guarantee of equality among citizens, irrespective of faith. As Ms Azmi put it eloquently in a signed article in Hindustan Times: “Would it not be fair to assume that implicit in this hue and cry is the desire to shut up the liberal voice and demand of Muslims who are successful to be good Uncle Toms? Have I ever been asked to apologise to men when I’ve talked about discrimination against women? Have I ever been asked to apologise to the rich because I’ve talked about the need to alleviate poverty?”
It is almost as if we are comfortable with the idea of having to deal with the Abu Azmis and the Shahi Imams as symbols of Muslim fundamentalism in our society. These are the shrill voices of Islam that confirm our worst stereotypes and prejudices of a community in crisis: for example, every time these gentlemen make an outrageous remark in a television debate, there is an “I told you so” smirk that sweeps through the studio audience. If a Praveen Togadia does not represent the voice of the silent majority, why should an Abu Azmi or a Shahi Imam represent the average Muslim citizen? Every time there is a terror blast and a Muslim is arrested, it is as if an entire community must accept the blame. Do we demand the same sense of collective guilt among Hindus every time the Bajrang Dal stands accused of murderous assaults?
That Hindu fundamentalists need the Muslim fanatic for survival is well established. What is less clear is why even a section of the so-called secular intelligentsia is unable to look beyond a certain stereotypical notion of the Indian Muslim. It is as if we are satisfied that India has established its secular credentials by having three Muslim presidents, the Khans who preside over the film world, and the Irfan Pathans and Zaheer Khans who do us proud on the cricket field.
Our definition of a liberal Muslim, it seems, is confined to those who publicly take on the fundamentalists within their community (do we make similar demands of the liberal Hindu?). Our definition of the successful Muslim is of someone who attains fame on a bigger stage without making a fuss of his minority identity. So long as an A.P.J. Abdul Kalam limits himself to a Vision 2020 that focuses on education and technology, he is a role model for all of us. Were he to raise questions on Hindu-Muslim relations, then he suddenly would become a ‘suspect’. Shah Rukh Khan as a happy-go-lucky film star is a national icon, but if Shah Rukh were to take a stand on a communal riot, he might lose his iconic status.
Which is why we need to value Shabana Azmi’s intervention as a brave attempt to force a public debate on realities that we choose to deliberately blind ourselves to. We cannot be cheerleaders of the actor when she challenges the Shahi Imam, but become her critics the moment she acknowledges her concerns on prickly Hindu-Muslim questions. Indeed, it is only when we raise discomfiting questions that perhaps we can hope to find some of the answers that still elude us on why our secular spirit has failed, on why there is a growing intolerance of the ‘other’, on why home-grown terror groups have emerged, or on why our minds and neighbourhoods are being ‘ghettoised’. The answers are complex, as perhaps are the solutions. But let’s at least make a start by distinguishing between a Shabana Azmi and a Abu Azmi: let’s consolidate one voice, weaken the other.
Rajdeep Sardesai is Editor-in-chief, IBN network
There is another Azmi, meanwhile, who has also been grabbing the headlines. Abu Asim Azmi has a rather different career graph to the actor. Accused in the 1993 Mumbai blasts, and charged with links to Dawood Ibrahim, he was later let off for want of evidence. Re-inventing himself as president of the Samajwadi Party in Maharashtra, he became a Rajya Sabha MP in 2002. As a self-styled spokesperson for the north Indian community in Mumbai, he was arrested along with Raj Thackeray a few months ago for promoting enmity between communities. A fortnight ago, Abu Azmi was back in the news when he vowed to fight for Abu Bashar, prime accused in the Ahmedabad blasts case, claiming that the SIMI activist was innocent.
Both the Azmis seem to be projecting the Muslim as ‘victim’, and yet their personal and political persuasions could not be more different. When Shabana Azmi spoke out, she appeared to be reflecting on a genuine liberal Indian Muslim predicament: how do you ensure the ‘mainstreaming’ of a community when there is active discrimination on a basic issue like housing? Abu Azmi, on the other hand, was engaging in a time-worn populist appeal: “Islam khatre mein hai,” was the message (Islam is in danger). Far from seeking ways to restore confidence within the minorities, his rhetoric was only designed to promote divisiveness by creating a distinct Muslim constituency based on fear and enmity towards the majority community.
Unfortunately, the distinctiveness in approach between the two Azmis hasn’t been sufficiently appreciated. When a Shabana Azmi is vilified for speaking out, it almost seems as if she stands guilty of having crossed a certain Lakshman rekha by publicly questioning the implementation of the constitutional guarantee of equality among citizens, irrespective of faith. As Ms Azmi put it eloquently in a signed article in Hindustan Times: “Would it not be fair to assume that implicit in this hue and cry is the desire to shut up the liberal voice and demand of Muslims who are successful to be good Uncle Toms? Have I ever been asked to apologise to men when I’ve talked about discrimination against women? Have I ever been asked to apologise to the rich because I’ve talked about the need to alleviate poverty?”
It is almost as if we are comfortable with the idea of having to deal with the Abu Azmis and the Shahi Imams as symbols of Muslim fundamentalism in our society. These are the shrill voices of Islam that confirm our worst stereotypes and prejudices of a community in crisis: for example, every time these gentlemen make an outrageous remark in a television debate, there is an “I told you so” smirk that sweeps through the studio audience. If a Praveen Togadia does not represent the voice of the silent majority, why should an Abu Azmi or a Shahi Imam represent the average Muslim citizen? Every time there is a terror blast and a Muslim is arrested, it is as if an entire community must accept the blame. Do we demand the same sense of collective guilt among Hindus every time the Bajrang Dal stands accused of murderous assaults?
That Hindu fundamentalists need the Muslim fanatic for survival is well established. What is less clear is why even a section of the so-called secular intelligentsia is unable to look beyond a certain stereotypical notion of the Indian Muslim. It is as if we are satisfied that India has established its secular credentials by having three Muslim presidents, the Khans who preside over the film world, and the Irfan Pathans and Zaheer Khans who do us proud on the cricket field.
Our definition of a liberal Muslim, it seems, is confined to those who publicly take on the fundamentalists within their community (do we make similar demands of the liberal Hindu?). Our definition of the successful Muslim is of someone who attains fame on a bigger stage without making a fuss of his minority identity. So long as an A.P.J. Abdul Kalam limits himself to a Vision 2020 that focuses on education and technology, he is a role model for all of us. Were he to raise questions on Hindu-Muslim relations, then he suddenly would become a ‘suspect’. Shah Rukh Khan as a happy-go-lucky film star is a national icon, but if Shah Rukh were to take a stand on a communal riot, he might lose his iconic status.
Which is why we need to value Shabana Azmi’s intervention as a brave attempt to force a public debate on realities that we choose to deliberately blind ourselves to. We cannot be cheerleaders of the actor when she challenges the Shahi Imam, but become her critics the moment she acknowledges her concerns on prickly Hindu-Muslim questions. Indeed, it is only when we raise discomfiting questions that perhaps we can hope to find some of the answers that still elude us on why our secular spirit has failed, on why there is a growing intolerance of the ‘other’, on why home-grown terror groups have emerged, or on why our minds and neighbourhoods are being ‘ghettoised’. The answers are complex, as perhaps are the solutions. But let’s at least make a start by distinguishing between a Shabana Azmi and a Abu Azmi: let’s consolidate one voice, weaken the other.
Rajdeep Sardesai is Editor-in-chief, IBN network
World - McCain accepts party nomination
ST. PAUL (Reuters) - Republican John McCain cast himself as an independent-minded reformer on Thursday, vowed "change is coming" if he is elected president and promised to create millions of jobs by developing new energy sources.
"We will attack the problem on every front. We will produce more energy at home," he said in a speech to the Republican National Convention.
McCain accepted his party's presidential nomination in a packed convention hall, insisting he can pull off the kind of change that Democrat Barack Obama talks about in a year Americans are hungry for new leadership.
In a rousing conclusion to his 48-minute address, McCain was nearly drowned out by cheers from the crowd when he vowed to fight for Americans if they elect him over Obama on November 4.
"Stand up, stand up, stand up and fight. Nothing is inevitable here. We're Americans, and we never give up. We never quit. We never hide from history. We make history," he said.
Confetti and balloons rained down from the ceiling in celebration as McCain was joined on stage by his wife Cindy and his vice presidential running mate, Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, who wowed Republicans by tossing zingers at Obama on Wednesday.
The 72-year-old Arizona senator, who bears the scars of 5-1/2 years as a Vietnam prisoner of war, launched a two-month campaign to win the White House, entering the push to Election Day as the underdog with most polls showing Obama ahead.
He said he admired Obama but that they had big differences and told his supporters, "We're going to win this election."
"Let me offer an advance warning to the old, big spending, do-nothing, me-first, country-second Washington crowd: change is coming," McCain said.
McCain, portrayed as no different than unpopular President George W. Bush by Obama and the Democrats, tried to reclaim his image as a Republican maverick in hopes of attracting independent voters likely to be key to the election.
He promised he would bring Democrats and independents into his government if he won.
"I don't work for a party. I don't work for a special interest. I don't work for myself. I work for you," he said.
The Obama campaign dismissed his speech.
"He admonished the 'old, do-nothing crowd' in Washington, but ignored the fact that he's been part of that crowd for 26 years, opposing solutions on health care, energy and education," Obama's spokesman Bill Burton said.
Under attack from Democrats for not having focused on the weak U.S. economy at his convention this week, McCain outlined an energy plan that he said would wean the United States from its dependence on foreign oil.
"This great national cause will create millions of new jobs, many in industries that will be the engine of our future prosperity -- jobs that will be there when your children enter the workforce," he said.
First, he said, there would be more oil drilling, an idea fiercely opposed by Democrats who believe increasing oil production off U.S. shores would endanger the environment and not bring in enough oil to cut the price of gasoline.
The idea is popular with most Americans.
"We will drill new wells offshore, and we'll drill them now. We will build more nuclear power plants. We will develop clean coal technology. We will increase the use of wind, tide, solar and natural gas. We will encourage the development and use of flex fuel, hybrid and electric automobiles," he said.
A handful of protesters tried to disrupt the proceedings but were shouted down by the crowd with chants of "USA, USA." Security hauled out two women.
"Please don't be diverted by the ground noise and the static," McCain said. "Americans want us to stop yelling at each other."
BIPARTISANSHIP
Promising bipartisanship, McCain bemoaned "the constant partisan rancor that stops us from solving" America's problems and said he had a record of reaching across the party aisle, unlike Obama.
McCain, a member of the U.S. Congress since 1982, portrayed Washington as broken and said both parties were responsible for it, taking a shot at Illinois Sen. Obama for voting for legislation giving tax breaks to oil companies.
"Again and again, I've worked with members of both parties to fix problems that need to be fixed. That's how I will govern as president. I will reach out my hand to anyone to help me get this country moving again. I have that record and the scars to prove it. Senator Obama does not," he said.
McCain also talked about his defining experience, the years he spent as a Vietnam prisoner of war, a period in which he said he realized how special his own country was.
"I loved it because it was not just a place, but an idea, a cause worth fighting for. I was never the same again. I wasn't my own man anymore. I was my country's," he said.
McCain had a tough act to follow.
More than 37 million viewers tuned in to watch the Wednesday speech by Palin, just shy of the record set last Friday by Obama, whose nomination acceptance address in Denver was seen by 38.4 million, Nielsen Media Research said.
"So how about that Sarah Palin?" Cindy McCain asked the crowd before her husband spoke. "John has picked a reform-minded, hockey-momming, basketball-shooting, moose-hunting, salmon-fishing, pistol-packing, mother of five for vice president."
"We will attack the problem on every front. We will produce more energy at home," he said in a speech to the Republican National Convention.
McCain accepted his party's presidential nomination in a packed convention hall, insisting he can pull off the kind of change that Democrat Barack Obama talks about in a year Americans are hungry for new leadership.
In a rousing conclusion to his 48-minute address, McCain was nearly drowned out by cheers from the crowd when he vowed to fight for Americans if they elect him over Obama on November 4.
"Stand up, stand up, stand up and fight. Nothing is inevitable here. We're Americans, and we never give up. We never quit. We never hide from history. We make history," he said.
Confetti and balloons rained down from the ceiling in celebration as McCain was joined on stage by his wife Cindy and his vice presidential running mate, Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, who wowed Republicans by tossing zingers at Obama on Wednesday.
The 72-year-old Arizona senator, who bears the scars of 5-1/2 years as a Vietnam prisoner of war, launched a two-month campaign to win the White House, entering the push to Election Day as the underdog with most polls showing Obama ahead.
He said he admired Obama but that they had big differences and told his supporters, "We're going to win this election."
"Let me offer an advance warning to the old, big spending, do-nothing, me-first, country-second Washington crowd: change is coming," McCain said.
McCain, portrayed as no different than unpopular President George W. Bush by Obama and the Democrats, tried to reclaim his image as a Republican maverick in hopes of attracting independent voters likely to be key to the election.
He promised he would bring Democrats and independents into his government if he won.
"I don't work for a party. I don't work for a special interest. I don't work for myself. I work for you," he said.
The Obama campaign dismissed his speech.
"He admonished the 'old, do-nothing crowd' in Washington, but ignored the fact that he's been part of that crowd for 26 years, opposing solutions on health care, energy and education," Obama's spokesman Bill Burton said.
Under attack from Democrats for not having focused on the weak U.S. economy at his convention this week, McCain outlined an energy plan that he said would wean the United States from its dependence on foreign oil.
"This great national cause will create millions of new jobs, many in industries that will be the engine of our future prosperity -- jobs that will be there when your children enter the workforce," he said.
First, he said, there would be more oil drilling, an idea fiercely opposed by Democrats who believe increasing oil production off U.S. shores would endanger the environment and not bring in enough oil to cut the price of gasoline.
The idea is popular with most Americans.
"We will drill new wells offshore, and we'll drill them now. We will build more nuclear power plants. We will develop clean coal technology. We will increase the use of wind, tide, solar and natural gas. We will encourage the development and use of flex fuel, hybrid and electric automobiles," he said.
A handful of protesters tried to disrupt the proceedings but were shouted down by the crowd with chants of "USA, USA." Security hauled out two women.
"Please don't be diverted by the ground noise and the static," McCain said. "Americans want us to stop yelling at each other."
BIPARTISANSHIP
Promising bipartisanship, McCain bemoaned "the constant partisan rancor that stops us from solving" America's problems and said he had a record of reaching across the party aisle, unlike Obama.
McCain, a member of the U.S. Congress since 1982, portrayed Washington as broken and said both parties were responsible for it, taking a shot at Illinois Sen. Obama for voting for legislation giving tax breaks to oil companies.
"Again and again, I've worked with members of both parties to fix problems that need to be fixed. That's how I will govern as president. I will reach out my hand to anyone to help me get this country moving again. I have that record and the scars to prove it. Senator Obama does not," he said.
McCain also talked about his defining experience, the years he spent as a Vietnam prisoner of war, a period in which he said he realized how special his own country was.
"I loved it because it was not just a place, but an idea, a cause worth fighting for. I was never the same again. I wasn't my own man anymore. I was my country's," he said.
McCain had a tough act to follow.
More than 37 million viewers tuned in to watch the Wednesday speech by Palin, just shy of the record set last Friday by Obama, whose nomination acceptance address in Denver was seen by 38.4 million, Nielsen Media Research said.
"So how about that Sarah Palin?" Cindy McCain asked the crowd before her husband spoke. "John has picked a reform-minded, hockey-momming, basketball-shooting, moose-hunting, salmon-fishing, pistol-packing, mother of five for vice president."
Sport - Angry Djokovic set up Federer showdown
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Novak Djokovic and Andy Roddick put in a show-stopping performance at the U.S. Open on Thursday night but only the fired up Serbian was left standing to take an encore -- albeit from a hostile Flushing Meadows crowd.
The world number three outgunned American Roddick 6-2 6-3 3-6 7-6 in a high-quality shootout to set up a tantalizing semi-final with four-times champion Roger Federer but then felt the wrath of the crowd when he let his emotions spill over in a courtside interview.
Annoyed by Roddick's suggestions that he might have been exaggerating hip, ankle, stomach and breathing problems during his five-set win in the previous round, Djokovic told the fans: "Andy was saying that I have 16 injuries in the last match so obviously I don't, right?
"That's not nice anyhow to say in front of this crowd that I have 16 injuries and I am faking it.
"With the sellout crowd packed around the Arthur Ashe Stadium booing loudly, the Serb continued his outburst: "Like it or not, it's like that. They (the crowd) are already against me because they think I am faking everything, so sorry."
"I am really happy playing against Roddick on his court and in his city in his favorite tournament so to win against him is a huge effort."
Roddick felt Djokovic had over-reacted to something that had been a joke.
"It was completely meant in jest," said the 2003 champion.
"I'm sorry he took it that way. I don't think I was over the line. It wasn't my intention and I'm sorry he felt that way. Maybe I did him a favor tonight."
TIGHT SECURITY
After turning into public enemy number one, Djokovic will probably need a tight security escort when he turns up on Saturday for his last-four date with New York's adopted son Federer.
The Swiss spared himself a repeat of his "dogfight" five-set win over Russian Igor Andreev in the last 16 but his 7-6 6-4 7-6 win over 130th-ranked Luxembourg qualifier Gilles Muller was not exactly the kind of performance one would have expected from a man who extended his unbeaten run at Flushing Meadows to 32 matches.
Champion's performance or not, Federer hung in for two hours and 26 minutes to advance to a record 18th successive grand slam semi-final.
"I'm happy to keep the semi-final streak alive. That's a huge streak for such a long time," said the second seed, who was deposed as world number one two weeks ago by French Open and Wimbledon winner Rafael Nadal.
"I hope this time around I can take it a step further than I did in Paris or Wimbledon," added the Swiss, who is aiming to become the first man since 1924 to win five in a row here.
Nadal will take on Briton Andy Murray in the other semi-final.
Federer's win would also have done Muller, the lowest ranked man to reach the last eight since 1999, a favor as the 25-year-old had outstayed his welcome in his New York hotel.
"When I came here, I didn't expect to be here until the second Thursday... (so) I had to switch (accommodation) last night," said Muller, adding his original hotel could not extend his reservation.
PERSONAL SCORE
Texas-resident Roddick would also have liked to have extended his stay in New York but instead ran into an opponent who had a personal score to settle.
In a year when organizers have been promoting their night-time program under the banner "It's Showtime," Roddick entered the Arthur Ashe Stadium suitably dressed in an all-black outfit.
But it took just 62 blistering minutes for Djokovic to put the American in the shade as he romped through the first two sets by dropping only 13 points on serve.
As Djokovic out-served, out-ran and outwitted Roddick, the 26-year-old reacted by turning his racket into a mangled mess.
Just when it seemed as if Roddick would be in for a quick mauling, he came alive to break in the fourth game of the third and fired down four untouchable missiles to wrap up the set.
He kept up the intensity in the fourth, in the 10th game serving to level the contest at two-sets all. But from 30-15 up, he produced two successive double faults to gift Djokovic break point. The Serbian grabbed his chance with a delectable lob.
Sealing the match when Roddick banged a service return long, Djokovic let out an almighty roar before launching into his war of words which he later described as "impulsive".
Since the Serb is famed for mimicking he fellow professionals on court, Roddick added: "I figure if you're going to joke and imitate other people and do the whole deal, then you should take it."
The world number three outgunned American Roddick 6-2 6-3 3-6 7-6 in a high-quality shootout to set up a tantalizing semi-final with four-times champion Roger Federer but then felt the wrath of the crowd when he let his emotions spill over in a courtside interview.
Annoyed by Roddick's suggestions that he might have been exaggerating hip, ankle, stomach and breathing problems during his five-set win in the previous round, Djokovic told the fans: "Andy was saying that I have 16 injuries in the last match so obviously I don't, right?
"That's not nice anyhow to say in front of this crowd that I have 16 injuries and I am faking it.
"With the sellout crowd packed around the Arthur Ashe Stadium booing loudly, the Serb continued his outburst: "Like it or not, it's like that. They (the crowd) are already against me because they think I am faking everything, so sorry."
"I am really happy playing against Roddick on his court and in his city in his favorite tournament so to win against him is a huge effort."
Roddick felt Djokovic had over-reacted to something that had been a joke.
"It was completely meant in jest," said the 2003 champion.
"I'm sorry he took it that way. I don't think I was over the line. It wasn't my intention and I'm sorry he felt that way. Maybe I did him a favor tonight."
TIGHT SECURITY
After turning into public enemy number one, Djokovic will probably need a tight security escort when he turns up on Saturday for his last-four date with New York's adopted son Federer.
The Swiss spared himself a repeat of his "dogfight" five-set win over Russian Igor Andreev in the last 16 but his 7-6 6-4 7-6 win over 130th-ranked Luxembourg qualifier Gilles Muller was not exactly the kind of performance one would have expected from a man who extended his unbeaten run at Flushing Meadows to 32 matches.
Champion's performance or not, Federer hung in for two hours and 26 minutes to advance to a record 18th successive grand slam semi-final.
"I'm happy to keep the semi-final streak alive. That's a huge streak for such a long time," said the second seed, who was deposed as world number one two weeks ago by French Open and Wimbledon winner Rafael Nadal.
"I hope this time around I can take it a step further than I did in Paris or Wimbledon," added the Swiss, who is aiming to become the first man since 1924 to win five in a row here.
Nadal will take on Briton Andy Murray in the other semi-final.
Federer's win would also have done Muller, the lowest ranked man to reach the last eight since 1999, a favor as the 25-year-old had outstayed his welcome in his New York hotel.
"When I came here, I didn't expect to be here until the second Thursday... (so) I had to switch (accommodation) last night," said Muller, adding his original hotel could not extend his reservation.
PERSONAL SCORE
Texas-resident Roddick would also have liked to have extended his stay in New York but instead ran into an opponent who had a personal score to settle.
In a year when organizers have been promoting their night-time program under the banner "It's Showtime," Roddick entered the Arthur Ashe Stadium suitably dressed in an all-black outfit.
But it took just 62 blistering minutes for Djokovic to put the American in the shade as he romped through the first two sets by dropping only 13 points on serve.
As Djokovic out-served, out-ran and outwitted Roddick, the 26-year-old reacted by turning his racket into a mangled mess.
Just when it seemed as if Roddick would be in for a quick mauling, he came alive to break in the fourth game of the third and fired down four untouchable missiles to wrap up the set.
He kept up the intensity in the fourth, in the 10th game serving to level the contest at two-sets all. But from 30-15 up, he produced two successive double faults to gift Djokovic break point. The Serbian grabbed his chance with a delectable lob.
Sealing the match when Roddick banged a service return long, Djokovic let out an almighty roar before launching into his war of words which he later described as "impulsive".
Since the Serb is famed for mimicking he fellow professionals on court, Roddick added: "I figure if you're going to joke and imitate other people and do the whole deal, then you should take it."
World - Bare breasted virgins compete for Swaziland king
LUDZIDZINI ROYAL VILLAGE, Swaziland (Reuters) - Tens of thousands of bare-breasted virgins competed for Swaziland King Mswati III's eye on Monday in a traditional Reed Dance.
Walking through the dense crowds in a leopard skin loin cloth, Sub-Saharan Africa's last absolute monarch was expected to choose his 14th wife.
Critics say Mswati, who has courted controversy for his lavish lifestyle while two thirds of his subjects live in poverty, sets a bad example by encouraging polygamy and teenage sex in a country where about 40 percent of adults live with HIV.
Some of the women did not seem to mind, hoping to escape from the southern African nation's hardships for the easy life.
"I came here to dance. I wish the king would have chosen me because it's nice at the king's place. The wives live a nice life," said Tenene Dlamini, 16, in a traditional brown skirt.
"Everything is done for them. They don't work. They earn."
The Reed Dance has been a big date on the Swaziland cultural calendar since Mswati began the ceremony in 1999.
But he may not be as relaxed this year among the throngs of young half-naked women.
Political groups seeking democratic reforms have become more active in a country where the opposition has been effectively banned since 1973 by royal decree.
They are critical of plans to hold next weekend's celebrations of the king's 40th birthday in conjunction with the 40th anniversary of Swaziland's independence from Britain.
Still, some of Swaziland's women came to the Ludzidzini Royal Village to show their admiration for the monarch.
"I respect the king and I respect my culture," said Nontobeko Sdidlamini, 16, carrying a shield made of animal skin and wearing an orange bracelet which read "Sex Can Wait".
Some said they would not want to be part of a polygamous arrangement with the king and were taking part in the ceremony to prove their virginity. Others fear they lost out.
"My sister is the king's tenth wife. I don't think he can choose me because he has already chosen my sister," said Zandisile Ntentesa, a 21-year-old prison employee.
The king, flanked by bodyguards with pistols and sticks, may face pressure from emboldened critics. But he can take comfort from the wealth which wins him tributes and songs at the reed ceremony.
Last month, Forbes magazine listed him as the 15th-richest monarch in the world. He was the only African on the list.
During the reed festivities, one of the king's wives drove up in a fancy BMW. Policemen told people to look the other way.
Walking through the dense crowds in a leopard skin loin cloth, Sub-Saharan Africa's last absolute monarch was expected to choose his 14th wife.
Critics say Mswati, who has courted controversy for his lavish lifestyle while two thirds of his subjects live in poverty, sets a bad example by encouraging polygamy and teenage sex in a country where about 40 percent of adults live with HIV.
Some of the women did not seem to mind, hoping to escape from the southern African nation's hardships for the easy life.
"I came here to dance. I wish the king would have chosen me because it's nice at the king's place. The wives live a nice life," said Tenene Dlamini, 16, in a traditional brown skirt.
"Everything is done for them. They don't work. They earn."
The Reed Dance has been a big date on the Swaziland cultural calendar since Mswati began the ceremony in 1999.
But he may not be as relaxed this year among the throngs of young half-naked women.
Political groups seeking democratic reforms have become more active in a country where the opposition has been effectively banned since 1973 by royal decree.
They are critical of plans to hold next weekend's celebrations of the king's 40th birthday in conjunction with the 40th anniversary of Swaziland's independence from Britain.
Still, some of Swaziland's women came to the Ludzidzini Royal Village to show their admiration for the monarch.
"I respect the king and I respect my culture," said Nontobeko Sdidlamini, 16, carrying a shield made of animal skin and wearing an orange bracelet which read "Sex Can Wait".
Some said they would not want to be part of a polygamous arrangement with the king and were taking part in the ceremony to prove their virginity. Others fear they lost out.
"My sister is the king's tenth wife. I don't think he can choose me because he has already chosen my sister," said Zandisile Ntentesa, a 21-year-old prison employee.
The king, flanked by bodyguards with pistols and sticks, may face pressure from emboldened critics. But he can take comfort from the wealth which wins him tributes and songs at the reed ceremony.
Last month, Forbes magazine listed him as the 15th-richest monarch in the world. He was the only African on the list.
During the reed festivities, one of the king's wives drove up in a fancy BMW. Policemen told people to look the other way.
Sport - Federer holds off muller to reach last 4
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Four-times champion Roger Federer weathered a tough battle against Luxembourg qualifier Gilles Muller to book his place in the U.S. Open semi-final with a 7-6 6-4 7-6 win on Thursday.
The second-seeded Swiss was tested to the full on a sweltering, breezy afternoon in New York by a player ranked 130th in the world before sealing victory in two hours 26 minutes.
Seeking his fifth consecutive U.S. Open title but his first grand slam crown of the year, Federer edged marathon man Muller 7-5 in the third-set tiebreak to win his 32nd consecutive match at Flushing Meadows.
"I'm happy I won, first of all," a relieved Federer told reporters after reaching a record 18th consecutive grand slam semi-final. "After a tough match I had last time, it's nice to get through (in) straight (sets).
"This was a tough opponent who has been playing very well in this tournament and he showed why he was so dangerous today.
"He served great, takes big chances from the baseline and there wasn't a whole lot of rhythm out there," added the Swiss, who scraped past Russian Igor Andreev in five sets in the fourth round.
"It made it more difficult with the wind and the sun. I'm very happy with this result."
Federer's opponent in the last four will be third-seeded Serb Novak Djokovic, who beat American Andy Roddick 6-2 6-3 3-6 7-6 in Thursday's late match.
The opening set went with serve until the 12th game when Federer piled on the pressure and appeared likely to break his big-serving opponent. However Muller, trailing 5-6, did well to save five set points before holding for 6-all.
PULLED AHEAD
Federer, deposed as world number one two weeks ago by Spaniard Rafael Nadal, raced into a 4-1 lead in the tiebreak but was pegged back to 4-4 before again pulling ahead.
The crowd gave both players a standing ovation after a breathtaking rally of aggressive shot-making finally ended with Federer winning the point to go 6-4 up. The Swiss clinched the first set at the seventh attempt.
Federer broke Muller in the ninth game of the second, working his opponent around the court before ripping a passing shot down the line to lead 5-4. He comfortably held serve to wrap up the second set.
The third set was also tight, each game going with serve to force another tiebreak which Federer won 7-5 when left-hander Muller netted a backhand.
Muller, who twice had to fight back from two sets down to book his place in a grand slam quarter-final for the first time, had bitter-sweet feelings over his defeat.
"The most amazing thing is that this is the first time in my career I'm actually winning a lot of matches," said the 25-year-old, who had been on court for four more hours than Federer before their contest.
"Before I used to win one big match and lost the next one because I lost focus and I was getting all fired up in my head because I won that (one) match.
"But now I'm just staying calm," added Muller, who upset then-world number three Roddick in the first round of the 2005 U.S. Open.
"Even today I guess a lot of people think I should be happy but actually I'm disappointed because today I had my chances, and I didn't take them."
Muller unleashed 16 aces and struck 46 winners, four more than Federer, but also piled up 32 unforced errors on the Arthur Ashe Stadium court.
The second-seeded Swiss was tested to the full on a sweltering, breezy afternoon in New York by a player ranked 130th in the world before sealing victory in two hours 26 minutes.
Seeking his fifth consecutive U.S. Open title but his first grand slam crown of the year, Federer edged marathon man Muller 7-5 in the third-set tiebreak to win his 32nd consecutive match at Flushing Meadows.
"I'm happy I won, first of all," a relieved Federer told reporters after reaching a record 18th consecutive grand slam semi-final. "After a tough match I had last time, it's nice to get through (in) straight (sets).
"This was a tough opponent who has been playing very well in this tournament and he showed why he was so dangerous today.
"He served great, takes big chances from the baseline and there wasn't a whole lot of rhythm out there," added the Swiss, who scraped past Russian Igor Andreev in five sets in the fourth round.
"It made it more difficult with the wind and the sun. I'm very happy with this result."
Federer's opponent in the last four will be third-seeded Serb Novak Djokovic, who beat American Andy Roddick 6-2 6-3 3-6 7-6 in Thursday's late match.
The opening set went with serve until the 12th game when Federer piled on the pressure and appeared likely to break his big-serving opponent. However Muller, trailing 5-6, did well to save five set points before holding for 6-all.
PULLED AHEAD
Federer, deposed as world number one two weeks ago by Spaniard Rafael Nadal, raced into a 4-1 lead in the tiebreak but was pegged back to 4-4 before again pulling ahead.
The crowd gave both players a standing ovation after a breathtaking rally of aggressive shot-making finally ended with Federer winning the point to go 6-4 up. The Swiss clinched the first set at the seventh attempt.
Federer broke Muller in the ninth game of the second, working his opponent around the court before ripping a passing shot down the line to lead 5-4. He comfortably held serve to wrap up the second set.
The third set was also tight, each game going with serve to force another tiebreak which Federer won 7-5 when left-hander Muller netted a backhand.
Muller, who twice had to fight back from two sets down to book his place in a grand slam quarter-final for the first time, had bitter-sweet feelings over his defeat.
"The most amazing thing is that this is the first time in my career I'm actually winning a lot of matches," said the 25-year-old, who had been on court for four more hours than Federer before their contest.
"Before I used to win one big match and lost the next one because I lost focus and I was getting all fired up in my head because I won that (one) match.
"But now I'm just staying calm," added Muller, who upset then-world number three Roddick in the first round of the 2005 U.S. Open.
"Even today I guess a lot of people think I should be happy but actually I'm disappointed because today I had my chances, and I didn't take them."
Muller unleashed 16 aces and struck 46 winners, four more than Federer, but also piled up 32 unforced errors on the Arthur Ashe Stadium court.
India - Towards an informed choice
To convert the controversy over the selection of Central Information Commissioners into an opportunity for change, we must shift our focus from individual names to the process of appointment.
The controversy over the ongoing selection and imminent announcement of five Central Information Commissioners raises issues that extend beyond their calibre, qualifications and selection. Right to Information (RTI) activists wrote to the Prime Minister and the UPA Chairperson demanding their voice be heard. Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha L.K. Advani refused to go to the selection committee meeting on the ground that he was not properly consulted in advance. This controversy mirrors similar debates in various States at the time of selection of State Information Commissioners. The selection committee meeting has been postponed. While the government decides on another date, and perhaps another panel, the debate on the selection and appointment has got livelier and richer.
For some time, we have been collectively grappling with the challenge of ensuring that these autonomous bodies and their functionaries meet the high standards and expectations of commitment, ethics, fearlessness and autonomy. These challenges exist for the selection and appointment of important functionaries such as the Comptroller and Auditor-General, the Election Commissioners, the Human Rights Commissioners, the Women’s Commissioners, the SC/ST Commissioners, the Chief Vigilance Commissioner and judges of the High Court and the Supreme Court.
The debate on the Information Commissioners illustrates the main issue: should the focus be on the individuals on the panel, their qualification, or the process of selection? Who decides? Does one define the other?
When the RTI Act was being drafted, the need for a powerful and independent Information Commission was ack
The controversy over the ongoing selection and imminent announcement of five Central Information Commissioners raises issues that extend beyond their calibre, qualifications and selection. Right to Information (RTI) activists wrote to the Prime Minister and the UPA Chairperson demanding their voice be heard. Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha L.K. Advani refused to go to the selection committee meeting on the ground that he was not properly consulted in advance. This controversy mirrors similar debates in various States at the time of selection of State Information Commissioners. The selection committee meeting has been postponed. While the government decides on another date, and perhaps another panel, the debate on the selection and appointment has got livelier and richer.
For some time, we have been collectively grappling with the challenge of ensuring that these autonomous bodies and their functionaries meet the high standards and expectations of commitment, ethics, fearlessness and autonomy. These challenges exist for the selection and appointment of important functionaries such as the Comptroller and Auditor-General, the Election Commissioners, the Human Rights Commissioners, the Women’s Commissioners, the SC/ST Commissioners, the Chief Vigilance Commissioner and judges of the High Court and the Supreme Court.
The debate on the Information Commissioners illustrates the main issue: should the focus be on the individuals on the panel, their qualification, or the process of selection? Who decides? Does one define the other?
When the RTI Act was being drafted, the need for a powerful and independent Information Commission was ack